Central authorities should dialogue with democrats 政情因「公投」變得微妙中央應與溫和民主派對話

A survey this newspaper has commissionedthe Public Opinion Programme at theUniversity of Hong Kong to carry out showsthe turnout at the upcoming Legislative Councilby-elections may fall between 18% and 25% . If onlysuch a percentage of voters go to the polls, the"five-constituency referendum movement" can by nostandard be described as successful. Most citizens arelukewarm about the "referendum". However, that doesnot mean they have given up striving for genuineuniversal suffrage. Now most people prefer to fight forit by moderate means. In our view, the SARgovernment and the central authorities must correctlyread the mainstream forces' stance and the majority ofcitizens'. They should dialogue with moderatedemocrats as soon as possible. Only if citizens areassured that they will exercise true universal suffragein the 2017 and 2020 elections will there be any hopeof maximising common ground, preventing the politicalsystem from remaining unchanged and settling theconstitutional reform issue, which has troubled HongKong for years.

The outcome of the "five-constituency referendummovement" will not be known until citizens have casttheir votes. Now, some democrats follow one line offighting for universal suffrage, while others followanother. That is a fact. However, they differ with oneanother only about ways and means. They are in factagreed that Hong Kong citizens should enjoy trueuniversal suffrage and the functional constituenciesshould be abolished. That is their position of principle.

For example, the Alliance for Universal Suffrage hasmade it abundantly clear that it fights for true electionsby universal suffrage in 2017 and 2020 and theabolition of the functional constituencies. The onlydifference is that it prefers not to use the "referendum"method. Similarly, the generality of citizens arelukewarm about or against the "referendum", but itdoes not follow that they waver in their determinationto fight for democracy and universal suffrage. Theyonly disagree with radical means.

Mainstream democrats (citizens and thosebelonging to political parties) have adopted a moderatestance. The SAR government and the centralauthorities should appreciate their goodwill. It is nowan opportune moment not only for making suitableconstitutional arrangements for the SAR but also forachieving a thaw in the relations between Hong Kongdemocrats and the central authorities. They should tryto build mutual trust and arrive at consensus. In ourview, the SAR government and the central authorities(especially the latter) must correctly read themessages discernible from the political situation inHong Kong. They should make opportune responses.

They must not let slip the opportunity of extricatingHong Kong from political difficulty.

The power to decide on Hong Kong'sconstitutional arrangements is vested in the centralauthorities, and it rests with the SAR government tocarry out their decisions. Everybody knows the latter issubordinate to the former. Now the political situation inHong Kong is delicate. We believe that, to make abreakthrough in Hong Kong's governance, the centralauthorities should suitably come to the fore and seekto maximise the common ground between them andHong Kong's democrats.

In fact, if the Legislative Council again rejects thegovernment's constitutional reform package, one maysay democrats who follow the moderate, sensible linehave again met with a rebuff. In that event, moderatedemocrats will lose ground, and we would have toworry about things in Hong Kong. Furthermore, themoderates would again come under pressure, andChief Executive Donald Tsang would have even graterdifficulty pursuing his policies. In our view, for the sakeof Hong Kong's governance, the central authorities areobligated to dialogue with moderate democrats with aview to reaching a compromise acceptable to all.

There are now two distinct lines in thepan-democratic camp. How Hong Kong's politicalsituation will develop depends on which of them willthrive. We hope the central authorities will look at thesituation in Hong Kong from this perspective. We hopethey will very wisely and very magnanimously dialoguewith moderate democrats so that Hong Kong will comeout of political difficulty.

明報社評

2010.02.18

政情因「公投」變得微妙中央應與溫和民主派對話

本報委託港大民意研究計劃進行的調查顯示，行將舉行的立法會補選的投票率，可能介乎18% ─ 25％之間，若果只有這個投票率，則無論從任何角度，都不能說「5 區公投運動」成功。然而，多數市民冷待「公投」，並不顯示他們放棄了真普選，只是現階段更多人選擇以較溫和手段爭取。我們認為，政府與中央要正確解讀民主派主流力量和多數市民的取態，盡早與溫和民主派對話，讓市民看到2017 和2020 兩個選舉是真選舉，才有望凝聚最大共識，使政制不再原地踏步，破解困擾香港多年的政改問題。

「5 區公投運動」最後結果還待市民用選票驗證，迄今民主派就爭取民主出現兩條路線，是事實。不過，路線不同，只是表現在方法和手段有異，整體民主派就爭取真普選和廢除功能組別的原則立場，其實並無分歧。例如「終極普選大聯盟」爭取2017 和2020 年是真普選、廢除功能組別的立場，清晰明確，只是他們不選擇以「公投」方式爭取。同樣地，多數市民反對或不支持「公投」，也不顯示他們對民主、普選的訴求有所動搖，只是不認同以激進手段爭取而已。

對於民主派（包括黨派和市民）主流的溫和取向，政府和中央應該視為善意。目前情况，不僅香港政制安排有較妥善處理的契機，對於民主派與中央的冰封關係，現在也存在逐步解封和建立互信、以達致共識的時機。我們認為政府、特別是中央要準確判斷香港政局所透析的信息，及時把握和適當回應，不要讓拆解香港政制困局的機會失諸交臂。

關於香港政制安排，權在中央，特區政府負責執行，這是衆所周知的主從關係，在香港政局處於微妙時刻，我們認為中央應該適當地站到台前，與民主派尋求最大共識，為香港的管治開創一個新局面。

事實上，這次政改，若政府提出來的方案再被否決，則顯示民主派和民意主流的理性溫和路線同樣碰門釘。經此一役，日後溫和理性力量將難以抬頭，屆時香港局勢堪虞。另外，若立法會再次否決政改方案，溫和理性力量又受壓，行政長官曾蔭權日後的施政將倍加困難。為了香港管治着想，我們認為中央有責任與溫和民主派對話，尋求大家都可以接受的妥協安排。

現在民主派的兩條路線已經明擺出來，而這兩條路線的興衰，決定着香港日後政局走向。我們希望中央能夠從這個角度檢視和認識現今港局，發揮大智慧和顯示泱泱大度，與溫和民主派對話，解開香港政制困局。

Glossary

waver /'weIv ?(r)/

be or become unsteady.

disagree

If you disagree with something, you believeit is bad or wrong.

rest

If it rests with a person to do something, it ishis responsibility to do it.

每周一音標