Central government's about about--turn

THE central government and the SARgovernment having accepted the amendedplan the Democratic Party and the Alliance forUniversal Suffrage have proposed, the 2012constitutional reform package is expected to beendorsed by more than three three--thirds of the LegislativeCouncil (Legco) members. Hong Kong's politicalsystem will evolve instead of remaining unchanged.

This is the fruit of many people's persevering efforts.Society is the biggest winner. However, that is but thefirst step in Hong Kong's democratisation. In the nextstage, Hong Kong's democratic movement must beaimed at ensuring that citizens will exercise genuineuniversal suffrage in electing their Chief Executive in2017 and their legislators in 2020.

The constitutional reform is of great significance toHong Kong because democrats have for the first timesince it reverted to Chinese sovereignty thirteen yearsago dialogued with central government officials, andtheir dialogue has produced real fruit.

Just because the constitutional reform hasproduced results, it does not follow that all deep deep--rootedcontradictions can be resolved. Nevertheless, theatmosphere is unlikely to radicalise excessively. Thatwould of course make it easer to solve problems. Inour view, in this the greatest significance of thisachievement of constitutional reform lies.

Donald Tsang has averted a political crisis. His2005 package was thrown out, and the DemocraticParty had threatened to call for a vote of no confidencein him if the 2012 package was also thrown out. Sucha motion would not be carried because theestablishmentarians would escort him. However, inthat event, Donald Tsang's leadership and authoritywould be undermined, and he would have even greaterdifficulty discharging his responsibilities in the next twoyears. His great tenacity has not only saved him butalso prevented Hong Kong's political situation frombecoming disastrous. He deserves praise for his efforts.The Democratic Party and the Alliance forUniversal Suffrage, especially the former, cannot bepraised too highly for what they have done in theconstitutional reform. Indifferent to praise or blame, theDemocratic Party has tenaciously adhered to what itconsiders sound and reasonable though it has beenoverwhelmed by ridicule, scorn and mud mud--slinging. Theperseverance and fortitude Albert Ho, its chairman,has displayed cannot but be described asextraordinary.

Democrat Party members differ about theamended plan. That may mar the party's solidarity.Even Martin Lee, who was founding chairman of it,said he would consider quitting it if it decided toendorse it at a meeting. He put it rather strongly. It isnot surprising that Democrats have differences.

However, those are not differences of principle, for,even if the amended plan had not been proposed, it isnecessary to decide what should become of thefunctional constituencies (FCs). Under the amendedplan, there would be more democratically returnedLegco members. When conventional FC legislators arein the minority, it will become possible to abolish all theFCs. Though it is understandable that Democrats differabout the plan, the party's splitting splitting--up would be out ofall proportion to the situation.

In handling the constitutional reform, the centralgovernment has appeared pragmatic and flexible.Rarely in recent years has it done so in dealing withHong Kong affairs. For that it deserves praise.At the critical moment, the central government,having regard to Hong Kong's general interests, gavethe green light to the amended plan, which it hadrejected. It did so lest Hong Kong's political systemshould remain unchanged. It has displayed such greatcourage and such great wisdom that Hong Kong canget out of the dead end of internal strife it hasremained in for thirteen years.

The flexibility the central government hasdisplayed reminds people that, in the run run--up to thehandover, it often took extraordinary measures to dealwith extraordinary situations. It has however departedfrom that spirit in headling certain Hong Kong affairs,especially its constitutional arrangements. That is whyHong Kong Kong--central government contradictions havedeepened. We hope that flexibility means its handlingof Hong Kong affairs has begun to return to normal.

政改峰迴路轉 社會最大贏家

2012 年政改方案，在中央和特區政府接納民主黨和普選聯提出的改良方案之後，預期可以得到立法會超過三分之二議員支持，使政制可以向前行，不用再原地踏步。這個結果，是各方面努力不懈的成果，而整體社會是最大的贏家。不過，這個結果，只是民主進程邁出的第一步，爭取2017 和2020 年落實行政長官和立法會兩個選舉為真普選，仍然是下階段本港民主運動的目標。今次政改對香港意義重大，因為這是回歸13 年以來，中央首次與民主派溝通對話，取得實質成果。

現在政改取得成果，不等於各種深層次矛盾也相應解套，但是不致過度激化的氛圍，當然較有利處理問題。我們認為這是今次政改成果最重要的意義。

現在的結果，曾蔭權可避過一場政治危機，因為繼2005 年之後，若曾蔭權提出的政改方案再被否決，民主黨已經聲言會在立法會對他提出不信任動議，縱使在建制陣營保駕護航下，不信任動議未獲通過，但是曾蔭權的領導和管治權威，必然遭受貶損，他未來兩年的特首生涯，必然倍添艱困。曾蔭權的鍥而不捨，最終不但自救，也使香港政局不至於走入玉石俱焚的死胡同，他今次的努力值得肯定。

至於民主黨和普選聯，在這次政改的表現，值得高度肯定，特別是民主黨，不計毁譽，面對鋪天蓋地的揶揄、嘲諷、抹黑，仍然堅持立場，擇善固執，主席何俊仁所顯示的堅忍和勇氣，絕不簡單。

民主黨黨內對改良方案有不同意見，對於黨內團結構成衝擊，連創黨主席李柱銘也拋出若民主黨大會通過改良方案，他會考慮離開民主黨的重話。意見不同不足為奇，不過，目前的分歧並非原則性，因為就算無改良方案，仍然要面對功能組別如何處理的問題，改良方案則是藉着增加民主成分議席，逐步使功能組別成為少數，最終使其全面廢除的可行操作。所以，民主黨內有分歧，可以理解，若演變至分裂，與事態的本質就不成比例了。

這次政改安排，中央的對應，總的而言，顯示了近年在香港政治事務上少有的務實和彈性，也值得肯定。在關鍵時刻，中央從香港大局出發，給一度已被否決的改良方案開綠燈，使本港政制不再原地踏步。中央顯示大勇氣和大智慧，使香港有望走出過去13 年內耗不休的死胡同。

中央今次所顯示彈性，使人看到回歸前對香港事務的「特事特辦」做法。近年，在本港一些事務，特別是政制安排上，中央的做法脫離了這個精神，致使本港內部與中央的矛盾加深。中央今次所顯示彈性，我們希望是香港事務回歸正常運轉的開始。

Glossary

suffrage //''ss ??fr frIIdd ??//the right to vote in political elections.

tenacity /t tII''nnaassIIttII//persistence, resolution.

fortitude //''ff ɔɔ:t :tIItju:d/tju:courage in pain or adversity.