2010年8月11日星期三
2010年8月10日星期二
Coattail politics
ON the mainland the ttaaiizziiddaanngg is the class of people who occupy important positions in government or business because of their parents' influence. The SAR government should have regard to candidates' ability when it decides whether to appoint them to its advisory or statutory bodies.
However, as this newspaper reports today, rich and influential people's children occupy 103 of those seats.
A Hong Kong ttaaiizziiddaanngg seems to have come into being. What has happened in the Greater Pearl River Delta Business Council is telling telling. A seat vacated by . one of its members has been filled by his nephew, and that of another, by the other's elder brother. The seats on the Council seem to have become hereditary.
Last January the SAR government appointed 42 part part--time members of the Central Policy Unit (CPU).
Six of them are children of important persons in the pro pro--Beijing camp. That had society suspect the CPU might have become "princelings' club".
It is no sin to be born of bigwigs. Rich and influential people's children may not be good good--for for--nothing inheritors. Many bigwigs' children have outshined their parents. The problem is that, though none of those bigwigs' children made part part--time Central Policy Unit members seem particularly capable, they are now the SAR government's brain trusters trusters. Some have . therefore wondered whether capable people whose parents are not as influential as theirs would have equal opportunities to go into politics or join the government.
What statutory or advisory bodies do materially affects citizens' lives. Unless capable people are appointed to them, the SAR government can hardly become more effective, and it may be out of touch with public sentiment. We are worried that, when rich and influential people's children abound in government bodies, the government may listen only to one side,and its policies may be misguided.
More and more rich and influential people's children have been appointed to statutory or advisory bodies. That shows the SAR government and the privileged still have blind faith in the colonial system of the government protecting the business sector in return for its support. They still believe it helps keep Hong Kong politically stable. That is indeed even more worrying. More and more Legislative Council seats will be popularly elected. Furthermore, the Basic Laws provides that all the legislators will eventually be elected by universal suffrage. It is certain that the SAR government can no longer rely on privileged people who lack popular support to maintain normality. The days are gone when coattail politics could work. There is an irreversible trend towards civil society's growth. If the government has such blind faith in the "government government--business partnership" as not to see this fact, it will hinder Hong Kong's progress. It would also have hard times, for what citizens might then see would breed their resentment and even hatred.
People whose parents are bigwigs should realise they should try to win popular support if they want to go into politics. It is better for them to gain political power in elections than to rack their brains to fawn on top officials in the hope of receiving their bestowments.
If they do so, they will not be ill spoken of, and they can better achieve their ambitions.
明報社評
2010.08.09
提攜政治一去不復返用人「唯親」誤人誤己
「太子黨」是內地用語，意指依仗父母輩的影響力而躋身官商要職的權貴第二代。本報今日報道，本應任人唯才的香港特區政府法定組織和諮詢架構，原來有多達103 人次的委任屬權貴第二代，港版「太子黨」已隱然成形，其中的「大珠三角商務委員會」更出現「叔去侄來」、「弟退兄來」等恍如家族式壟斷的「世襲」情况。
今年11 月，中央政策組委任新一批42 名非全職顧問，其中66 人的父母在親中陣營是有頭有臉人物，當時社會已響起中策組淪為「太子黨俱樂部」的質疑。
「權貴二代」不是原罪，父母屬權貴不代表其子女一定是「二世祖」，更不代表他們一定是庸碌無能之輩。
過去不少名人之後都青出於藍勝於藍，創出一番比父母輩更佳的成績。問題是，獲委任的部分第二代，未見有何突出的才幹，便貴為特區政府的智囊，大眾便會問：其他沒有權貴父母支持的有能之士，是否也可以獲得同樣的從政或議政機會呢？
法定或諮詢組織對社會民生有實質的影響，這些組織的重任若不由有能者居之，特區政府的管治能力除了難以提升外，其對民情的掌握亦會有偏頗。我們擔心若官方組織充斥權貴二代，兼聽就變成偏聽，進而令政策易生偏差。
更教人憂慮的是，權貴二代相繼獲邀進入法定或諮詢組織，反映出特區政府以至特權階級，至今仍然迷信香港的政局可以憑藉着殖民地年代那一套： 「官護商、商撐官」來維繫。隨着議會的民選成分愈來愈大，而《基本法》又訂明了立法會將走向普選，特區政府已肯定不可以再單靠一批沒有民意基礎的特權階層來支撐局面。
褓抱提攜政治早已一去不復返，公民社會的逐步壯大是不可逆轉的歷史大潮，政府若然看不到這個事實，繼續迷思官商伙拍治港的一套，只會誤了社會的進程，自己亦不會有好日子過，因為市民會「看在眼裏，恨在心裏」，徒然增加社會的怨氣。
權貴二代亦應明白到，若要從政或議政，應從爭取民意授權入手。與其想方設計去巴結權貴、等候高官的恩賜，不如盡快循正途透過參選來取得政治權力。這樣一來，沒有人能再指三道四，更能大展抱負。
Glossary
telling
showing the truth about a situation.
brain truster
an expert adviser involved in making importantdecisions.
breed
be the cause of.
However, as this newspaper reports today, rich and influential people's children occupy 103 of those seats.
A Hong Kong ttaaiizziiddaanngg seems to have come into being. What has happened in the Greater Pearl River Delta Business Council is telling telling. A seat vacated by . one of its members has been filled by his nephew, and that of another, by the other's elder brother. The seats on the Council seem to have become hereditary.
Last January the SAR government appointed 42 part part--time members of the Central Policy Unit (CPU).
Six of them are children of important persons in the pro pro--Beijing camp. That had society suspect the CPU might have become "princelings' club".
It is no sin to be born of bigwigs. Rich and influential people's children may not be good good--for for--nothing inheritors. Many bigwigs' children have outshined their parents. The problem is that, though none of those bigwigs' children made part part--time Central Policy Unit members seem particularly capable, they are now the SAR government's brain trusters trusters. Some have . therefore wondered whether capable people whose parents are not as influential as theirs would have equal opportunities to go into politics or join the government.
What statutory or advisory bodies do materially affects citizens' lives. Unless capable people are appointed to them, the SAR government can hardly become more effective, and it may be out of touch with public sentiment. We are worried that, when rich and influential people's children abound in government bodies, the government may listen only to one side,and its policies may be misguided.
More and more rich and influential people's children have been appointed to statutory or advisory bodies. That shows the SAR government and the privileged still have blind faith in the colonial system of the government protecting the business sector in return for its support. They still believe it helps keep Hong Kong politically stable. That is indeed even more worrying. More and more Legislative Council seats will be popularly elected. Furthermore, the Basic Laws provides that all the legislators will eventually be elected by universal suffrage. It is certain that the SAR government can no longer rely on privileged people who lack popular support to maintain normality. The days are gone when coattail politics could work. There is an irreversible trend towards civil society's growth. If the government has such blind faith in the "government government--business partnership" as not to see this fact, it will hinder Hong Kong's progress. It would also have hard times, for what citizens might then see would breed their resentment and even hatred.
People whose parents are bigwigs should realise they should try to win popular support if they want to go into politics. It is better for them to gain political power in elections than to rack their brains to fawn on top officials in the hope of receiving their bestowments.
If they do so, they will not be ill spoken of, and they can better achieve their ambitions.
明報社評
2010.08.09
提攜政治一去不復返用人「唯親」誤人誤己
「太子黨」是內地用語，意指依仗父母輩的影響力而躋身官商要職的權貴第二代。本報今日報道，本應任人唯才的香港特區政府法定組織和諮詢架構，原來有多達103 人次的委任屬權貴第二代，港版「太子黨」已隱然成形，其中的「大珠三角商務委員會」更出現「叔去侄來」、「弟退兄來」等恍如家族式壟斷的「世襲」情况。
今年11 月，中央政策組委任新一批42 名非全職顧問，其中66 人的父母在親中陣營是有頭有臉人物，當時社會已響起中策組淪為「太子黨俱樂部」的質疑。
「權貴二代」不是原罪，父母屬權貴不代表其子女一定是「二世祖」，更不代表他們一定是庸碌無能之輩。
過去不少名人之後都青出於藍勝於藍，創出一番比父母輩更佳的成績。問題是，獲委任的部分第二代，未見有何突出的才幹，便貴為特區政府的智囊，大眾便會問：其他沒有權貴父母支持的有能之士，是否也可以獲得同樣的從政或議政機會呢？
法定或諮詢組織對社會民生有實質的影響，這些組織的重任若不由有能者居之，特區政府的管治能力除了難以提升外，其對民情的掌握亦會有偏頗。我們擔心若官方組織充斥權貴二代，兼聽就變成偏聽，進而令政策易生偏差。
更教人憂慮的是，權貴二代相繼獲邀進入法定或諮詢組織，反映出特區政府以至特權階級，至今仍然迷信香港的政局可以憑藉着殖民地年代那一套： 「官護商、商撐官」來維繫。隨着議會的民選成分愈來愈大，而《基本法》又訂明了立法會將走向普選，特區政府已肯定不可以再單靠一批沒有民意基礎的特權階層來支撐局面。
褓抱提攜政治早已一去不復返，公民社會的逐步壯大是不可逆轉的歷史大潮，政府若然看不到這個事實，繼續迷思官商伙拍治港的一套，只會誤了社會的進程，自己亦不會有好日子過，因為市民會「看在眼裏，恨在心裏」，徒然增加社會的怨氣。
權貴二代亦應明白到，若要從政或議政，應從爭取民意授權入手。與其想方設計去巴結權貴、等候高官的恩賜，不如盡快循正途透過參選來取得政治權力。這樣一來，沒有人能再指三道四，更能大展抱負。
Glossary
telling
showing the truth about a situation.
brain truster
an expert adviser involved in making importantdecisions.
breed
be the cause of.
Support for moderate democrats
AFTER the government's constitutional reformpackage had gone through, the DemocraticParty came under fire. It once seemed indanger of losing many of its supporters. However, twopublic opinion surveys have shown the situation isdifferent from what it appears to be. Support for it hasgrown rather than dwindled. Support for thepan-democratic camp has also grown, while that forthe establishmentarian camp, of which the DAB(Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progressof Hong Kong) is the backbone, has slightlydiminished. All the indications are that the political mapis changing, and moderate democrats have gainedpopular support.
In one of the surveys, 57.6% of the respondentsindicated they supported none of the parties or did notknow or could hardly say which of them to support.Clearly, the opinion of over 50% of Hong Kong citizensis malleable. Whichever camp has the support ofmore citizens in the "silent majority" will win the nextbattle.
It can be seen from changes in legislators' andpolitical parties' rankings that a party's political stancemay not be decisive though it may be a factor. Forexample, though the Democratic Party's position onthe political reforms is quite different from the CivicParty's, both have gained ground politically. TheLeague of Social Democrats (LSD) and the Civic Partyhave tried to capitalise on the same political issue, butthe former has clearly lost to others in opinion polls.That shows political parties' characteristics and waysof doing things sway citizens' choices. What sets theLSD apart from the Democratic Party and the CivicParty is its radicalism. For example, during thereferendum campaign", Albert Chan, who belongs tothe LSD, once yelled "liberate Hong Kong". That hashad people wonder where some politicians would leadHong Kong.
Citizens judge political parties and legislatorsbelonging to them by how moderate or radical theyare. According to surveys, more citizens supportpolitical parties and legislators that use moderate waysto fight for Hong Kong's democratisation.
However, opinion polls are about particularperiods. In our view, only if they gain political power inelections can moderate democrats be certain thatcitizens support their line and can they ensure that themoderate line will mainly influence the development ofthe political situation.
Moderatism has become part of the mainstream inthe pan-democratic camp. The SAR government andthe central government should seize the opportunity todeal with constitutional arrangements that remain to bemade. First, local legislation is necessary for creatingfive functional constituency seats in 2012. Such is theLegislative Council's composition that it is not hard forthe government to persuade moderate, sensiblepeople to support its sensible proposal.
The central government should realise that, whenrational moderatism is part of the mainstream andmore and more people are aware that dialogueproduces results and confrontation gets Hong Kongnowhere, more and more people may join themoderate camp. It should opportunely start consideringpolitical arrangements that should be in place in HongKong in ten years. Such matters have long troubled theSAR. We again suggest that a committee on HongKong's political arrangements be set up. It should belike the Basic Law Drafting Committee. It shouldanswer to the Standing Committee of the NationalPeople's Congress and comprise mainlanders andHong Kong people. It should set targets and seekcommon ground. Its job would be to consider whatconstitutional arrangements should be introducedHong Kong in ten years. The Legislative Council wouldsubsequently give its proposals statutory force so thatHong Kong will no longer have to suffer from troubleevery four or five years.
明報社評 政改後政治版圖調整 溫和民主派獲更多支持
政改方案通過之後，民主黨備受狙擊，一時間，民主黨彷彿有流失大批支持者之虞。不過，根據兩個民意調查結果顯示，實際情况與表面現象不一樣，民主黨的支持者不但未見減少，反見增加，泛民陣營整體支持者也顯著增加，而以民建聯為主的建制陣營，支持者則微減。整體情况顯示政治版圖在調整，個別黨派之得失，說明理性溫和取態的民主派，獲得更多市民支持。
同樣地，調查結果顯示，對支持哪一個政黨採取「沒有/不知/難說」取態的人，高達57.6%，說明逾半民意取向的可塑性，仍然十分高，說明哪一方陣營能夠爭取較多「沉默的大多數」支持，就會是下一輪博弈的贏家。從議員排名和政黨支持度的消長，使人看到政治議題可能起到一定作用，卻並非決定性因素。例如，民主黨和公民黨在這次政改，取態截然不同，卻在政治上同樣獲得進展，但是社民連與公民黨操作同一政治議題，在民調上明顯是輸家。這個結果，顯示政黨屬性和所採取手法，影響着市民的好惡選擇，而社民連與民主黨、公民黨的最大分野，是前者取態手法激越，例如在「公投運動」，社民連的陳偉業一度喊出「解放香港」等口號，使人警惕政客要把香港帶往一個怎樣的方向。
所以，手法溫和抑或激進，是市民評價政黨和其議員表現的標準，結果顯示有更多市民支持以溫和手法推動、爭取民主的政黨和議員。
我們認為民調結果只是一時一地，溫和民主派必須透過選舉，取得更多政治權力，才可以確定市民支持他們的路線，也才可以確保溫和路線繼續主導政局發展。至於特區政府和中央，則應該利用溫和取態成為泛民陣營主流的契機，處理政制安排餘下的問題。首先，2012 年選舉安排，還有新增5 席功能組別的本地立法要處理，只要政府提出合情合理的辦法，以目前立法會的組合，應該不難得到溫和理性力量的支持。
其次，中央應該看到，當理性溫和力量或為主流，愈來愈多人看到對話可以取得積極成果、對抗則無出路的情况下，相信會有愈來愈多人投入對話陣營，中央應該趁此機會推動10 年立法，徹底解決困擾香港的政制安排問題。在此，我們重提較早前的建議，當局仿效當年基本法起草委員會的模式，成立「香港政制安排協調會」。後者可向全國人大常委會負責，匯集包括內地和本港相關人士組成，訂定工作目標，凝聚共識，為香港政制安排進行10 年立法的研議工作；然後把共識由立法會完成相關法定程序，以擺脫每隔四五年香港就要折騰一次的循環。
Glossary
malleable /'malI ?b(?)l/easily influenced or changed.
answer
If you answer to another, you have to explainyour actions or decisions to him.
comprise /k ?m'praIz/have as members.
In one of the surveys, 57.6% of the respondentsindicated they supported none of the parties or did notknow or could hardly say which of them to support.Clearly, the opinion of over 50% of Hong Kong citizensis malleable. Whichever camp has the support ofmore citizens in the "silent majority" will win the nextbattle.
It can be seen from changes in legislators' andpolitical parties' rankings that a party's political stancemay not be decisive though it may be a factor. Forexample, though the Democratic Party's position onthe political reforms is quite different from the CivicParty's, both have gained ground politically. TheLeague of Social Democrats (LSD) and the Civic Partyhave tried to capitalise on the same political issue, butthe former has clearly lost to others in opinion polls.That shows political parties' characteristics and waysof doing things sway citizens' choices. What sets theLSD apart from the Democratic Party and the CivicParty is its radicalism. For example, during thereferendum campaign", Albert Chan, who belongs tothe LSD, once yelled "liberate Hong Kong". That hashad people wonder where some politicians would leadHong Kong.
Citizens judge political parties and legislatorsbelonging to them by how moderate or radical theyare. According to surveys, more citizens supportpolitical parties and legislators that use moderate waysto fight for Hong Kong's democratisation.
However, opinion polls are about particularperiods. In our view, only if they gain political power inelections can moderate democrats be certain thatcitizens support their line and can they ensure that themoderate line will mainly influence the development ofthe political situation.
Moderatism has become part of the mainstream inthe pan-democratic camp. The SAR government andthe central government should seize the opportunity todeal with constitutional arrangements that remain to bemade. First, local legislation is necessary for creatingfive functional constituency seats in 2012. Such is theLegislative Council's composition that it is not hard forthe government to persuade moderate, sensiblepeople to support its sensible proposal.
The central government should realise that, whenrational moderatism is part of the mainstream andmore and more people are aware that dialogueproduces results and confrontation gets Hong Kongnowhere, more and more people may join themoderate camp. It should opportunely start consideringpolitical arrangements that should be in place in HongKong in ten years. Such matters have long troubled theSAR. We again suggest that a committee on HongKong's political arrangements be set up. It should belike the Basic Law Drafting Committee. It shouldanswer to the Standing Committee of the NationalPeople's Congress and comprise mainlanders andHong Kong people. It should set targets and seekcommon ground. Its job would be to consider whatconstitutional arrangements should be introducedHong Kong in ten years. The Legislative Council wouldsubsequently give its proposals statutory force so thatHong Kong will no longer have to suffer from troubleevery four or five years.
明報社評 政改後政治版圖調整 溫和民主派獲更多支持
政改方案通過之後，民主黨備受狙擊，一時間，民主黨彷彿有流失大批支持者之虞。不過，根據兩個民意調查結果顯示，實際情况與表面現象不一樣，民主黨的支持者不但未見減少，反見增加，泛民陣營整體支持者也顯著增加，而以民建聯為主的建制陣營，支持者則微減。整體情况顯示政治版圖在調整，個別黨派之得失，說明理性溫和取態的民主派，獲得更多市民支持。
同樣地，調查結果顯示，對支持哪一個政黨採取「沒有/不知/難說」取態的人，高達57.6%，說明逾半民意取向的可塑性，仍然十分高，說明哪一方陣營能夠爭取較多「沉默的大多數」支持，就會是下一輪博弈的贏家。從議員排名和政黨支持度的消長，使人看到政治議題可能起到一定作用，卻並非決定性因素。例如，民主黨和公民黨在這次政改，取態截然不同，卻在政治上同樣獲得進展，但是社民連與公民黨操作同一政治議題，在民調上明顯是輸家。這個結果，顯示政黨屬性和所採取手法，影響着市民的好惡選擇，而社民連與民主黨、公民黨的最大分野，是前者取態手法激越，例如在「公投運動」，社民連的陳偉業一度喊出「解放香港」等口號，使人警惕政客要把香港帶往一個怎樣的方向。
所以，手法溫和抑或激進，是市民評價政黨和其議員表現的標準，結果顯示有更多市民支持以溫和手法推動、爭取民主的政黨和議員。
我們認為民調結果只是一時一地，溫和民主派必須透過選舉，取得更多政治權力，才可以確定市民支持他們的路線，也才可以確保溫和路線繼續主導政局發展。至於特區政府和中央，則應該利用溫和取態成為泛民陣營主流的契機，處理政制安排餘下的問題。首先，2012 年選舉安排，還有新增5 席功能組別的本地立法要處理，只要政府提出合情合理的辦法，以目前立法會的組合，應該不難得到溫和理性力量的支持。
其次，中央應該看到，當理性溫和力量或為主流，愈來愈多人看到對話可以取得積極成果、對抗則無出路的情况下，相信會有愈來愈多人投入對話陣營，中央應該趁此機會推動10 年立法，徹底解決困擾香港的政制安排問題。在此，我們重提較早前的建議，當局仿效當年基本法起草委員會的模式，成立「香港政制安排協調會」。後者可向全國人大常委會負責，匯集包括內地和本港相關人士組成，訂定工作目標，凝聚共識，為香港政制安排進行10 年立法的研議工作；然後把共識由立法會完成相關法定程序，以擺脫每隔四五年香港就要折騰一次的循環。
Glossary
malleable /'malI ?b(?)l/easily influenced or changed.
answer
If you answer to another, you have to explainyour actions or decisions to him.
comprise /k ?m'praIz/have as members.
2010年8月8日星期日
Plugging privacy loopholes
Octopus Cards has pledged to donate to charity the HK$44 million worth of proceeds accrued from sales of clients' personal data to third parties.
It's unclear how far this will help soften the public outcry, as some politicians will surely continue howling for blood.
Nevertheless, the donation is a goodwill gesture.
The Octopus saga had been simmering for a while, but started boiling over after chief executive Prudence Chan Pik-wah gave inconsistent accounts of the company's handling of the data.
As a result, it has cost her the CEO's job, although she's staying on during a six-month transitional period.
Indeed, it's rather common practice in the business community for companies to treat clients' data as an asset, and to use it to generate revenue.
I'm sure many people have experienced receiving cold marketing calls from strangers claiming to be representing such and such a firm that had never been heard of before. In the end, the recipient is left wondering how the telemarketers managed to get his or her telephone number.
Selling data is nothing new here or elsewhere. To a certain extent, access to such information can help firms start up quickly rather than having first to undertake onerous efforts in building up a database. Economists say this plays an important role in aiding legitimate economic activities.
As the Octopus saga shows, people who may not have minded such information sharing in the past are finding it hard to accept nowadays, as they become more conscious of privacy rights.
The government is currently in the midst of reviewing the Personal Data (Privacy) Ordinance, and new privacy boss Allan Chiang Yam-wang will likely be given greater powers to protect people's privacy. Among a wide range of issues, the review covers marketing activities, using personal data.
It has been set out as a principle in the review that any changes to the privacy law should not undermine the SAR's competitiveness and economic efficiency as an international city. This is an important principle. But will the public anger triggered by the Octopus fiasco shift the balance away from this principle when society is again engaged in the discussion during the second stage of consultation? The next round of debate will be launched in the fall.
It's certainly a shift to guard against, and a fine line will have to be found for the best possible balance.
Unfortunately, there are no universally agreed sets of personal data being subject to different protection levels. But the data can still be grouped into being sensitive and less sensitive.
In the European Union, personal information such as racial and ethnic origin, political opinion, religious or philosophical beliefs, trade union affiliations, health and sex life is considered sensitive, and given the highest degree of statutory protection.
There is no question that in Hong Kong, sensitive personal data should be subject to the strictest codes too.
英文虎報
Central Station | By Mary Ma
It's unclear how far this will help soften the public outcry, as some politicians will surely continue howling for blood.
Nevertheless, the donation is a goodwill gesture.
The Octopus saga had been simmering for a while, but started boiling over after chief executive Prudence Chan Pik-wah gave inconsistent accounts of the company's handling of the data.
As a result, it has cost her the CEO's job, although she's staying on during a six-month transitional period.
Indeed, it's rather common practice in the business community for companies to treat clients' data as an asset, and to use it to generate revenue.
I'm sure many people have experienced receiving cold marketing calls from strangers claiming to be representing such and such a firm that had never been heard of before. In the end, the recipient is left wondering how the telemarketers managed to get his or her telephone number.
Selling data is nothing new here or elsewhere. To a certain extent, access to such information can help firms start up quickly rather than having first to undertake onerous efforts in building up a database. Economists say this plays an important role in aiding legitimate economic activities.
As the Octopus saga shows, people who may not have minded such information sharing in the past are finding it hard to accept nowadays, as they become more conscious of privacy rights.
The government is currently in the midst of reviewing the Personal Data (Privacy) Ordinance, and new privacy boss Allan Chiang Yam-wang will likely be given greater powers to protect people's privacy. Among a wide range of issues, the review covers marketing activities, using personal data.
It has been set out as a principle in the review that any changes to the privacy law should not undermine the SAR's competitiveness and economic efficiency as an international city. This is an important principle. But will the public anger triggered by the Octopus fiasco shift the balance away from this principle when society is again engaged in the discussion during the second stage of consultation? The next round of debate will be launched in the fall.
It's certainly a shift to guard against, and a fine line will have to be found for the best possible balance.
Unfortunately, there are no universally agreed sets of personal data being subject to different protection levels. But the data can still be grouped into being sensitive and less sensitive.
In the European Union, personal information such as racial and ethnic origin, political opinion, religious or philosophical beliefs, trade union affiliations, health and sex life is considered sensitive, and given the highest degree of statutory protection.
There is no question that in Hong Kong, sensitive personal data should be subject to the strictest codes too.
英文虎報
Central Station | By Mary Ma
Octopus must come clean
YESTERDAY the board of Octopus Holdingshad a special meeting. Lincoln Leong, itschairman, said afterwards the board hadaccepted Octopus chief executive Prudence Chan'sresignation, resolved that the company return to itscore as an electronic money system and decided thatthe $44 million it had earned by selling its customers'personal data be donated to the Community Chest.
Few would say Prudence Chan need not haveresigned. It is open to discussion whether it is right tosell customers' personal data. Accusing fingers havebeen pointed at her because she attempted tohoodwink the public with a lie soon after the affair hadcome to light. She is bankrupt in credibility, andOctopus's image has been badly damaged.Accountability being the in thing now, Prudence Chancertainly had to take the blame. However, is it true thatno other Octopus director is to blame? Judging fromwhat has happened, that is an open question.
One may say the affair took a turn when PrudenceChan dragged the MTR Corp's board in. It is believedthat the MTR Corp and the government have dumpedPrudence Chan to save themselves. They havebehaved like a house lizard, which loses its tail whenalarmed. Prudence Chan will not immediately leaveOctopus though she has resigned. She has givenOctopus six months' notice as stipulated in hercontract. In other words, she will remain with thecompany and get her fat pay for six more months.Meanwhile, David Tang, a top MTR Corp executive,will do her job. There is no way any outsider canfathom the mystery of those arrangements. However,one is at least certain that she has neither got the sacknor taken the blame. She would have to goimmediately in either case.
Octopus broke no laws when it sold its customers'personal data. However, it does not follow that itbehaved reasonably or sensibly in doing so. When theaffair came to light, all were outraged. Rarely in recentyears have citizens been in such agreement about anyissue. People of all political complexions, all ages andboth sexes have condemned Octopus. It can thus beseen that its perverse behaviour has aroused publicindignation. However, Octopus has broken no laws.The affair has in fact laid bare the loopholes in thePersonal Data (Privacy) Ordinance. Citizens are nowaware that the ordinance alone does not protect theirprivacy.
Octopus's new management must fully disclosehow the company has obtained and used citizen'spersonal data before it can regain the public's trust.The affair began when Octopus Rewards Programmeparticipants suspected their personal data had beenleaked. However, it remains to be clarified whetherOctopus has transferred only Octopus RewardsProgramme participants' personal data. Octopus hasadmitted it has sold data to six companies. As itrefuses to make public any documents concerningthose deals, citizens are worried that the conditions ofthose transactions might have even more gravelyharmed their interests. Octopus has analysed citizens'personal data to dicover patterns of consumerbehaviour. It has sold such information to companiesthat need it. How much of such in-depth informationhas it sold? What can be done to undo the harm suchsales have done citizens? Octopus must deal with theaftermath of the affair. It ought to come up withmeasures that may help reassure the public.
The Octopus system was born in Hong Kong. It isa huge success. People from other places have comehere to learn from Octopus's experience. However, itsimage has worsened because it has sold customers'data for profit. The company has a peculiarbackground. For example, the government supports itwith policy, and its shareholders are mainly publictransport operators. It is to some extent a "publicbody". It has much to do with citizens' lives. That iswhy Octopus's fall is the last thing we want to see. Wehope that, when it is better managed, it will thoroughlymake clear everything about its sales of personal data,undo the adverse effects of the affair and againburnish its image, which was once golden.
明報社評
2010.08.05
全面交代出賣私隱真相八達通才可重獲市民信任八達通董事會召開特別會議之後，主席梁國權宣布接受行政總裁陳碧鏵辭職、確立回歸電子貨幣的業務方向，並把出賣客戶個人資料所得4400 萬元利潤，捐給公益金等。
陳碧鏵之辭職，各方並無太大異議。關於出賣客戶資料的是非對錯，原本有可以討論的空間。在此事上，陳碧鏵遭受千夫所指，主要是她在事件揭發之初，一度說謊，企圖欺騙市民，其個人誠信破產，也使八達通這塊金漆招牌蒙塵。在問責文化當道的今日，陳碧鏵需要負責，是一定的了，但是八達通董事會其他人就毋須負責？就事態而言，見仁見智。
可以這樣說，陳碧鏵把事態燒向港鐵董事會，乃此事的轉捩點。陳碧鏵之去職，被認為是港鐵和政府「棄車保帥」、「斷尾求生」的招數。事實上，陳碧鏵辭職後，並未立即離開八達通，而是按合約給予公司6 個月通知期，亦即會多留6 個月，繼續支取高薪。其間，港鐵是會派出高層人員鄧智輝暫代陳碧鏵的職務。這些安排有何玄機，外界無從猜度，但是起碼可以確認的是：陳碧鏵並非被八達通解僱，她也並非承認錯誤後辭職，因為若屬這兩種情况，其辭職應該即時生效，而非現在的拖泥帶水。
八達通出賣客戶個人資料，即使合法，不等於合情合理。事件揭發之後，各方面對八達通做法的強烈反應，是近年來，輿情就單一事態少有的高度一致，政治上不分左中右，人不分男女老幼，都一齊加入聲討，可見出賣客戶個人資料之乖離尋常情理，已經激起民憤。但是八達通的做法，卻是合法的，事態其實把私隱條例的漏洞，充分地暴露出來，讓市民認識到單憑現行法例，不能保障私隱。
另外，八達通新管理層要挽回市民的信心和信任，必須完整交代八達通所擁有和使用市民私隱資料的全部情况。這次事件，由八達通日日賞客戶懷疑個人資料被泄露而起，不過，情况是否僅止於日日賞客戶，仍待釐清；其次，八達通承認把資料出賣給6 家公司，交易條款有否進一步損害了市民利益，由於八達通不允公開相關文件，市民疑慮甚深；第三，八達通按市民私隱資料，分析出其消費行為和模式，然後賣給有特定需要的客戶，這些「深度」私隱資料，八達通出賣了多少？如何消除它對市民構成的損害，八達通要拿出使市民安心的善後措施。
八達通是本港自創品牌，其成功經驗，許多國家地區都來取經仿效，讓港人引以為傲，這次出賣市民客戶個人私隱資料牟利事件，使八達通的形象一落千丈。這家公司的特別背景，例如政府以政策扶持、其股東主要為本港的公共交通機構，某一程度上，八達通算得上是一家「公共機構」，與市民生活關係密切，職是之故，我們絕對不願看到八達通一沉不起，期望它在改善公司管治之後，徹底釐清出賣客戶個人資料情况，然後回歸電子貨幣本業，掃除這次事件的負面影響，重新擦亮八達通這塊金漆招牌。
G lossary
the sack
If you get the sack or are given the sack, youare fired from your job.
perverse /p ?'v ?:s/
which most people do not expect and think iswrong.
lay bare
If you lay something bare, you expose or revealit.
每周一音標
《明報英語網》逢星期二推出「每周一音標」，以視像短片模式教授國際音標，真人發音，歡迎瀏覽網址：english.mingpao.com
Few would say Prudence Chan need not haveresigned. It is open to discussion whether it is right tosell customers' personal data. Accusing fingers havebeen pointed at her because she attempted tohoodwink the public with a lie soon after the affair hadcome to light. She is bankrupt in credibility, andOctopus's image has been badly damaged.Accountability being the in thing now, Prudence Chancertainly had to take the blame. However, is it true thatno other Octopus director is to blame? Judging fromwhat has happened, that is an open question.
One may say the affair took a turn when PrudenceChan dragged the MTR Corp's board in. It is believedthat the MTR Corp and the government have dumpedPrudence Chan to save themselves. They havebehaved like a house lizard, which loses its tail whenalarmed. Prudence Chan will not immediately leaveOctopus though she has resigned. She has givenOctopus six months' notice as stipulated in hercontract. In other words, she will remain with thecompany and get her fat pay for six more months.Meanwhile, David Tang, a top MTR Corp executive,will do her job. There is no way any outsider canfathom the mystery of those arrangements. However,one is at least certain that she has neither got the sacknor taken the blame. She would have to goimmediately in either case.
Octopus broke no laws when it sold its customers'personal data. However, it does not follow that itbehaved reasonably or sensibly in doing so. When theaffair came to light, all were outraged. Rarely in recentyears have citizens been in such agreement about anyissue. People of all political complexions, all ages andboth sexes have condemned Octopus. It can thus beseen that its perverse behaviour has aroused publicindignation. However, Octopus has broken no laws.The affair has in fact laid bare the loopholes in thePersonal Data (Privacy) Ordinance. Citizens are nowaware that the ordinance alone does not protect theirprivacy.
Octopus's new management must fully disclosehow the company has obtained and used citizen'spersonal data before it can regain the public's trust.The affair began when Octopus Rewards Programmeparticipants suspected their personal data had beenleaked. However, it remains to be clarified whetherOctopus has transferred only Octopus RewardsProgramme participants' personal data. Octopus hasadmitted it has sold data to six companies. As itrefuses to make public any documents concerningthose deals, citizens are worried that the conditions ofthose transactions might have even more gravelyharmed their interests. Octopus has analysed citizens'personal data to dicover patterns of consumerbehaviour. It has sold such information to companiesthat need it. How much of such in-depth informationhas it sold? What can be done to undo the harm suchsales have done citizens? Octopus must deal with theaftermath of the affair. It ought to come up withmeasures that may help reassure the public.
The Octopus system was born in Hong Kong. It isa huge success. People from other places have comehere to learn from Octopus's experience. However, itsimage has worsened because it has sold customers'data for profit. The company has a peculiarbackground. For example, the government supports itwith policy, and its shareholders are mainly publictransport operators. It is to some extent a "publicbody". It has much to do with citizens' lives. That iswhy Octopus's fall is the last thing we want to see. Wehope that, when it is better managed, it will thoroughlymake clear everything about its sales of personal data,undo the adverse effects of the affair and againburnish its image, which was once golden.
明報社評
2010.08.05
全面交代出賣私隱真相八達通才可重獲市民信任八達通董事會召開特別會議之後，主席梁國權宣布接受行政總裁陳碧鏵辭職、確立回歸電子貨幣的業務方向，並把出賣客戶個人資料所得4400 萬元利潤，捐給公益金等。
陳碧鏵之辭職，各方並無太大異議。關於出賣客戶資料的是非對錯，原本有可以討論的空間。在此事上，陳碧鏵遭受千夫所指，主要是她在事件揭發之初，一度說謊，企圖欺騙市民，其個人誠信破產，也使八達通這塊金漆招牌蒙塵。在問責文化當道的今日，陳碧鏵需要負責，是一定的了，但是八達通董事會其他人就毋須負責？就事態而言，見仁見智。
可以這樣說，陳碧鏵把事態燒向港鐵董事會，乃此事的轉捩點。陳碧鏵之去職，被認為是港鐵和政府「棄車保帥」、「斷尾求生」的招數。事實上，陳碧鏵辭職後，並未立即離開八達通，而是按合約給予公司6 個月通知期，亦即會多留6 個月，繼續支取高薪。其間，港鐵是會派出高層人員鄧智輝暫代陳碧鏵的職務。這些安排有何玄機，外界無從猜度，但是起碼可以確認的是：陳碧鏵並非被八達通解僱，她也並非承認錯誤後辭職，因為若屬這兩種情况，其辭職應該即時生效，而非現在的拖泥帶水。
八達通出賣客戶個人資料，即使合法，不等於合情合理。事件揭發之後，各方面對八達通做法的強烈反應，是近年來，輿情就單一事態少有的高度一致，政治上不分左中右，人不分男女老幼，都一齊加入聲討，可見出賣客戶個人資料之乖離尋常情理，已經激起民憤。但是八達通的做法，卻是合法的，事態其實把私隱條例的漏洞，充分地暴露出來，讓市民認識到單憑現行法例，不能保障私隱。
另外，八達通新管理層要挽回市民的信心和信任，必須完整交代八達通所擁有和使用市民私隱資料的全部情况。這次事件，由八達通日日賞客戶懷疑個人資料被泄露而起，不過，情况是否僅止於日日賞客戶，仍待釐清；其次，八達通承認把資料出賣給6 家公司，交易條款有否進一步損害了市民利益，由於八達通不允公開相關文件，市民疑慮甚深；第三，八達通按市民私隱資料，分析出其消費行為和模式，然後賣給有特定需要的客戶，這些「深度」私隱資料，八達通出賣了多少？如何消除它對市民構成的損害，八達通要拿出使市民安心的善後措施。
八達通是本港自創品牌，其成功經驗，許多國家地區都來取經仿效，讓港人引以為傲，這次出賣市民客戶個人私隱資料牟利事件，使八達通的形象一落千丈。這家公司的特別背景，例如政府以政策扶持、其股東主要為本港的公共交通機構，某一程度上，八達通算得上是一家「公共機構」，與市民生活關係密切，職是之故，我們絕對不願看到八達通一沉不起，期望它在改善公司管治之後，徹底釐清出賣客戶個人資料情况，然後回歸電子貨幣本業，掃除這次事件的負面影響，重新擦亮八達通這塊金漆招牌。
G lossary
the sack
If you get the sack or are given the sack, youare fired from your job.
perverse /p ?'v ?:s/
which most people do not expect and think iswrong.
lay bare
If you lay something bare, you expose or revealit.
每周一音標
《明報英語網》逢星期二推出「每周一音標」，以視像短片模式教授國際音標，真人發音，歡迎瀏覽網址：english.mingpao.com
2010年8月5日星期四
Perception of a double standard
Secretary for Justice Wong Yan-lung moved swiftly yesterday to quell the storm brewing from the lenient sentence meted out to the niece of a top judge - even though it was her third conviction for assaulting a police officer.
But will his decision to initiate a review rather than appeal help clear the air?
Since Amina Mariam Bokhary, 33, was spared jail for careless driving, refusing to take a breathalyzer test, and assaulting a cop, there has been a public outcry.
Why are people angry? Many suspect the leniency shown the woman - the niece of Court of Final Appeal Judge Kemal Mariam Bokhary - had to do with her prominent family background. The belief may be unfounded, but this is the common perception.
It's the public's expectation that justice must be seen or perceived to be served fairly. Unfortunately, magistrate Anthony Yuen Wai-ming wasn't convincing when he placed Amina on probation for one year, fined her HK$8,000, and banned her from driving for a year.
Yuen referred to her good family background in his judgment, and cited her medical condition of bipolar disorder as the grounds for leniency.
Yesterday, barrister lawmaker Ronny Tong Ka-wah disputed the justice minister's decision not to appeal directly. According to the legislation, either the prosecution or defense in a case, as well as the presiding judge can initiate a review within 14 days after the ruling. It will be presided by the same judge unless he or she recuses himself or herself.
I'm not sure if it's Wong's calculated move to start from a lower ground, and to escalate it later depending on what transpires.
I agree with Tong the minister should mount an appeal to a higher court for a clear verdict and guidelines to deal with similar situations in future. In an appeal, the case will be heard by a different judge, and this would help strengthen public confidence in the SAR's rule of law.
It will go against Hong Kong's interest for anyone to think there's one brand of justice for the rich, and another brand for the rest of us.
In initiating the review, Wong's office called Yuen's ruling inadequate and wrong in principle, but stopped short of saying how the principle had not been thoroughly upheld.
I'm sure this isn't the first time police have asked the Department of Justice to work for a review. But the current case is unique - while the cops are expected to enforce the law, the ruling has cast doubt on how it's expected to be done. No wonder the force's rank and file has reacted strongly to the case.
The reasoning offered by Yuen is unpersuasive. On one hand, he said the offenses were serious and should warrant a custodial sentence. On the other hand, he excused the defendant because of her family background and medical condition.
In any serious offense involving a mental patient, treatment would be mandatory. Has Amina ever been treated for bipolar disorder after her previous convictions?
For anyone with a family background as proud as Amina's, he or she is expected to abide by the law more than anybody else.
英文虎報
Central Station | By Mary Ma
But will his decision to initiate a review rather than appeal help clear the air?
Since Amina Mariam Bokhary, 33, was spared jail for careless driving, refusing to take a breathalyzer test, and assaulting a cop, there has been a public outcry.
Why are people angry? Many suspect the leniency shown the woman - the niece of Court of Final Appeal Judge Kemal Mariam Bokhary - had to do with her prominent family background. The belief may be unfounded, but this is the common perception.
It's the public's expectation that justice must be seen or perceived to be served fairly. Unfortunately, magistrate Anthony Yuen Wai-ming wasn't convincing when he placed Amina on probation for one year, fined her HK$8,000, and banned her from driving for a year.
Yuen referred to her good family background in his judgment, and cited her medical condition of bipolar disorder as the grounds for leniency.
Yesterday, barrister lawmaker Ronny Tong Ka-wah disputed the justice minister's decision not to appeal directly. According to the legislation, either the prosecution or defense in a case, as well as the presiding judge can initiate a review within 14 days after the ruling. It will be presided by the same judge unless he or she recuses himself or herself.
I'm not sure if it's Wong's calculated move to start from a lower ground, and to escalate it later depending on what transpires.
I agree with Tong the minister should mount an appeal to a higher court for a clear verdict and guidelines to deal with similar situations in future. In an appeal, the case will be heard by a different judge, and this would help strengthen public confidence in the SAR's rule of law.
It will go against Hong Kong's interest for anyone to think there's one brand of justice for the rich, and another brand for the rest of us.
In initiating the review, Wong's office called Yuen's ruling inadequate and wrong in principle, but stopped short of saying how the principle had not been thoroughly upheld.
I'm sure this isn't the first time police have asked the Department of Justice to work for a review. But the current case is unique - while the cops are expected to enforce the law, the ruling has cast doubt on how it's expected to be done. No wonder the force's rank and file has reacted strongly to the case.
The reasoning offered by Yuen is unpersuasive. On one hand, he said the offenses were serious and should warrant a custodial sentence. On the other hand, he excused the defendant because of her family background and medical condition.
In any serious offense involving a mental patient, treatment would be mandatory. Has Amina ever been treated for bipolar disorder after her previous convictions?
For anyone with a family background as proud as Amina's, he or she is expected to abide by the law more than anybody else.
英文虎報
Central Station | By Mary Ma
shooting in Hangzhou
Here comes a new challenge in theyear of 2010: being in a TV drama seriesfor the very first time.
I'm so happy to be part of this drama series because I'm really learning a lot.We're shooting in Hangzhou ( 杭州), soI'm learning Mandarin. I'm also learningto ride a motorbike. I'm looking forwardto more surprises.
Also, it has been such a great pleasure working with Eva Huang ( 黃聖依) andKen Chu ( 朱孝天)-never in mywildest dreams did I see this coming. I was a big fan of Meteor Garden (《流星花園》) and now I feel like I'm part of itplaying alongside Ken.
That said, we have a very rigid schedule- breakfast is served at 6amevery morning, followed by lunch at 12 noon, then dinner at 6pm. It feels likebeing back in school again. And becausewe have dinner so early, I usually haveinstant noodles at night as snacks, whichhelps me gain a lot of weight.
And the most exciting thing of all is thatI get to sing the theme song for theseries. I hope everyone will like thisseries when it finally airs. I'm so excitedand will look forward to the day my "baby"is born. I hope u do too!
Writer's Profile
Chita Yu (余翠芝), in love with music since three. Make A LoveSong-her goal in music as well as the title of her firstEP-was released last year.
I'm so happy to be part of this drama series because I'm really learning a lot.We're shooting in Hangzhou ( 杭州), soI'm learning Mandarin. I'm also learningto ride a motorbike. I'm looking forwardto more surprises.
Also, it has been such a great pleasure working with Eva Huang ( 黃聖依) andKen Chu ( 朱孝天)-never in mywildest dreams did I see this coming. I was a big fan of Meteor Garden (《流星花園》) and now I feel like I'm part of itplaying alongside Ken.
That said, we have a very rigid schedule- breakfast is served at 6amevery morning, followed by lunch at 12 noon, then dinner at 6pm. It feels likebeing back in school again. And becausewe have dinner so early, I usually haveinstant noodles at night as snacks, whichhelps me gain a lot of weight.
And the most exciting thing of all is thatI get to sing the theme song for theseries. I hope everyone will like thisseries when it finally airs. I'm so excitedand will look forward to the day my "baby"is born. I hope u do too!
Writer's Profile
Chita Yu (余翠芝), in love with music since three. Make A LoveSong-her goal in music as well as the title of her firstEP-was released last year.
Legend of the Seeker
Tonight at 10pm on Syfy(now TV Channel 124 & HKBNbbTV Channel 320)
Legend of the Seeker is based onTerry Goodkind's fantasy novels TheSword of Truth, and produced by SamRaimi ( Spider-Man) and the teambehind Hercules: the LegendaryJourneysand Xena: Warrior Princess.The second season of the cult hitseries continues the stories aboutRichard Cypher (Craig Horner), awoodsman who is suddenly giventhe responsibility to protect theworld from evil.
Richard Cypher was once but asimple woods guide in his hometownof Hartland. That all changed aftermeeting Kahlan Amnell and ZeddicusZu'l Zorander, who revealed toRichard he is the first true Seeker theworld has known in a thousand years,destined to wield (擁有) the powerfulSword of Truth and defeat the eviltyrant (暴君) Darken Rahl. With theConfessor and the Wizard of theFirst Order beside him, Richardfulfilled that destiny, killing Rahl andgiving freedom to everyoneenslaved (被奴役) under his rule.
Now, Richard discovers that thegreatest harm can sometimescome from the best intentions. Theaftermath (後果) of destroying Rahl,Richard's greatest enemy as wellas his brother, is devastating ( 破壞性極大). A tear has formed in theveil ( 幌子) separating the world ofthe living and the Underworld, thedomain of the Keeper. Only themythical Stone of Tears can seal (封住) the cracks that are forming allover the world, and prevent theKeeper from waging war on theliving. Richard is told that he is toinherit Darken Rahl's throne and theleadership of all D'Hara. But hedecides to put aside becoming LordRahl for now. The Seeker's newmission-to find the Stone andclose the rift (裂縫) once and for all.
Giveaway!
Syfy Universal is now giving away 10 earphones to MingPaoreaders. Simply send your name and address to:
English Page (Syfy Universal giveaway), 15/F, Block A,Ming Pao Industrial Centre, 18 Ka Yip Street, Chai Wan.
Legend of the Seeker is based onTerry Goodkind's fantasy novels TheSword of Truth, and produced by SamRaimi ( Spider-Man) and the teambehind Hercules: the LegendaryJourneysand Xena: Warrior Princess.The second season of the cult hitseries continues the stories aboutRichard Cypher (Craig Horner), awoodsman who is suddenly giventhe responsibility to protect theworld from evil.
Richard Cypher was once but asimple woods guide in his hometownof Hartland. That all changed aftermeeting Kahlan Amnell and ZeddicusZu'l Zorander, who revealed toRichard he is the first true Seeker theworld has known in a thousand years,destined to wield (擁有) the powerfulSword of Truth and defeat the eviltyrant (暴君) Darken Rahl. With theConfessor and the Wizard of theFirst Order beside him, Richardfulfilled that destiny, killing Rahl andgiving freedom to everyoneenslaved (被奴役) under his rule.
Now, Richard discovers that thegreatest harm can sometimescome from the best intentions. Theaftermath (後果) of destroying Rahl,Richard's greatest enemy as wellas his brother, is devastating ( 破壞性極大). A tear has formed in theveil ( 幌子) separating the world ofthe living and the Underworld, thedomain of the Keeper. Only themythical Stone of Tears can seal (封住) the cracks that are forming allover the world, and prevent theKeeper from waging war on theliving. Richard is told that he is toinherit Darken Rahl's throne and theleadership of all D'Hara. But hedecides to put aside becoming LordRahl for now. The Seeker's newmission-to find the Stone andclose the rift (裂縫) once and for all.
Giveaway!
Syfy Universal is now giving away 10 earphones to MingPaoreaders. Simply send your name and address to:
English Page (Syfy Universal giveaway), 15/F, Block A,Ming Pao Industrial Centre, 18 Ka Yip Street, Chai Wan.
Justice must be seen to be done
OVER the past nine years, Amina MariamBokhary, whose uncle is Kemal Bokhary, a Permanent Judge of the Court of Final Appeal, has thrice been charged with assaulting apolice officer. In all the three cases she pleaded guiltyor was convicted, but she was invariably given light sentences. She has thrice avoided being jailed. Suchcases are very rare indeed.
Celebrities and their relatives who fall foul of thelaw have inherent advantages. They have the moneyto retain barristers or senior counsel, who would racktheir brains to defend them. They can have their healthreports prepared by medical authorities, and they mayask other celebrities to give character evidence orprovide affidavits for use in mitigation.
Amina has such advantages. Her uncle KemalBokhary is a Permanent Judge of the CFA, and heraunt Verina Saeeda Bokhary, a High Court judge. Istheir illustrious status in the judiciary her anotheradvantage? Has that had anything to do with her trial?It is on this point that the controversy her sentence hasaroused centres. That is what many people want tofind out.
The magistrate attached great importance toAmina's "good background, well well--off family andoutstanding academic achievement". Saying she wasa sick person who needed help rather than a bad one,he put her on probation for one year for assaulting apolice officer, fined her $8,000 for refusing to provide abreath sample and suspended her licence for one yearfor careless driving. According to lawyers, a firstoffender of the crime of assaulting a police officershould be jailed, though a magistrate may be justifiedin taking certain factors into account and showingleniency. However, it is unacceptable not to jail aperson who has again committed the offence. It istotally unacceptable not to have jailed the defendant(guilty for the third time of the offence).
Furthermore, according to lawyers, the court doesnot normally admit intoxication or bipolar disorder asa defence or ground for mitigation. In 2008, Aminapleaded bipolar disorder in defence and mitigationwhen she was tried for the second time for assaulting apolice officer. She resorted to the same trick. The courtdid not declare whether she received treatment for thedisorder during the two intervening years. However,the court ought not to allow any person suffering froma disorder to keep relying on it to bully others.
The police are disgruntled at Amina's lightsentence. A netizen has set up a Facebook group todemand strongly that the Secretary for Justice tointervene and secure Kemal Bokhary's niece's severepunishment. The call has drawn splendid response. Atof yesterday, over 10,000 people had joined the group.It is just one of the things the Secretary for Justicemust do to allay public resentment. The affair concernsthe rule of law. The Secretary for Justice has a duty toascertain whether the magistrate's decision isappropriate. Magistrates often hear cases of drinkdriving or assaulting a police officer and, in such trials,the Amina case may be cited as a precedent. If othermagistrates ruled as Anthony Yuen did, wouldoffenders not have to be put behind bars?
Society does not want the court to be harshtowards celebrities or their relatives. It only expects itto deal with them as it does others - to take facts asthe basis and the law as the criterion.
"Not only must justice be done; it must also beseen to be done." It is quite clear that the Amina casefails this test. The Secretary for Justice ought to seek aremedy. Under the existing procedures, he mayrequire a retrial by the same magistrate (AnthonyYuen). If he finds the retrial unsatisfactory, he mayrefer the case to the Court of First Instance. It isincumbent upon the Secretary for Justice tosafeguard the rule of law. We hope he will take actionto put the Amina case right so that the public will seejustice is upheld.
明報社評 三度襲警均免囚司法公義蒙陰影
終審法院常任法官包致金的侄女Amina MariamBokhary （以下稱Amina Amina）， ），99 年來33 次被控襲警罪，分別都罪名成立或認罪，但是她都先後獲得法官輕判，毋須坐牢，情况極其罕有。
一般名人或名人親屬涉及刑事案件，由於他們有財有勢，本來已經有先天優勢，包括有財力聘請大律師甚至資深大律師，為他們挖空心思打官司，也可以請權威醫生寫健康報告。另外，也可以動員社會名流為品格證人，作為向法官求情之用。
就Amina 而言，除了上述優勢，她的叔父包致金身為終審法院常任法官、她的嬸嬸包鍾倩薇是高院原訟庭法官，他們兩人在司法界的顯赫地位，會否成為被告另一層優勢，在侄女的案件中起過作用，正是此案宣判後，引發輿論熱烈討論的原因，也是許多人心中疑問的關鍵所在。
至於判決，裁判官重視Amina 的良好背景、美滿家庭及教育，更認為她並非壞人，是需要接受幫助的病人，就襲警罪只判她接受11 年感化；其餘拒絕提供呼氣樣本及不小心駕駛，則分別判她罰款8000 元及停牌11 年。不過，法律界人士認為，初犯襲警罪，已經可以判處入獄，基於一些考慮寬大處理，還可以接受，但是再犯仍然不判囚，則不能接受，被告第三次襲警，竟然獲得輕判，毋須入獄，更是無法接受。
另外，法律界人士又認為酗酒和躁狂抑鬱症，作為抗辯和求情理由，一般情况下，不會得到法庭接受，况且在 Amina 的案件中，她2008 年第二次襲警時，已經用躁鬱症來抗辯和求情，這次她故技重施，但是兩年來是否就此接受過治療，法庭並沒有交代。法庭總不能容許恃病凌人的情况，繼續存在。
Amina 獲得輕判，警隊反彈甚大，有網民在facebook設立一個「強烈要求律政司介入，重判包致金侄女」的群組，可謂一呼百應，到昨日已有逾萬人加入。律政司要撫平民情，只是事態的其中一面，就算在法治層面，律政司也有責任釐清判決是否恰當。因為裁判法院審理很多這類酒後駕駛和襲警案，而Amina 的案例，有可能會被援引。其他法官若都像阮偉明般判決，這樣就突出了同類案件的被告，是否都不用坐牢的問題。
對於名人或名人親屬，社會人士並非認為要嚴苛對待他們，只是期望法庭實事求是，正常的「以事實為基礎，以法律為準繩」，與其他各色人等一視同仁而已。司法公義不但要做得到，在實踐過程中也要使公衆看得到。Amina 的案件，顯然未能滿足這個準則的檢驗要求。律政司必須尋求補救，按現有程序，律政司可提出覆核，由原審裁判官阮偉明處理， 律政司若仍然不滿覆核結果，則可交由高院原訟庭覆核。捍衛法治是律政司的責任，期望律政司採取行動，就Amina 的案件，還香港和市民一個公道。
Glossary
intoxication //IInn ?tt ??ks ksII''ke keII ʃʃ((??)n/)being under the influence of alcohol or drugs.
disgruntled /d dIIss''gr ??ntld/ ntld/cross and dissatisfied.
incumbent //IInn''kk ??mb mb ??nt/ nt/If it is incumbent upon you to do something, itis your duty to do it.
Celebrities and their relatives who fall foul of thelaw have inherent advantages. They have the moneyto retain barristers or senior counsel, who would racktheir brains to defend them. They can have their healthreports prepared by medical authorities, and they mayask other celebrities to give character evidence orprovide affidavits for use in mitigation.
Amina has such advantages. Her uncle KemalBokhary is a Permanent Judge of the CFA, and heraunt Verina Saeeda Bokhary, a High Court judge. Istheir illustrious status in the judiciary her anotheradvantage? Has that had anything to do with her trial?It is on this point that the controversy her sentence hasaroused centres. That is what many people want tofind out.
The magistrate attached great importance toAmina's "good background, well well--off family andoutstanding academic achievement". Saying she wasa sick person who needed help rather than a bad one,he put her on probation for one year for assaulting apolice officer, fined her $8,000 for refusing to provide abreath sample and suspended her licence for one yearfor careless driving. According to lawyers, a firstoffender of the crime of assaulting a police officershould be jailed, though a magistrate may be justifiedin taking certain factors into account and showingleniency. However, it is unacceptable not to jail aperson who has again committed the offence. It istotally unacceptable not to have jailed the defendant(guilty for the third time of the offence).
Furthermore, according to lawyers, the court doesnot normally admit intoxication or bipolar disorder asa defence or ground for mitigation. In 2008, Aminapleaded bipolar disorder in defence and mitigationwhen she was tried for the second time for assaulting apolice officer. She resorted to the same trick. The courtdid not declare whether she received treatment for thedisorder during the two intervening years. However,the court ought not to allow any person suffering froma disorder to keep relying on it to bully others.
The police are disgruntled at Amina's lightsentence. A netizen has set up a Facebook group todemand strongly that the Secretary for Justice tointervene and secure Kemal Bokhary's niece's severepunishment. The call has drawn splendid response. Atof yesterday, over 10,000 people had joined the group.It is just one of the things the Secretary for Justicemust do to allay public resentment. The affair concernsthe rule of law. The Secretary for Justice has a duty toascertain whether the magistrate's decision isappropriate. Magistrates often hear cases of drinkdriving or assaulting a police officer and, in such trials,the Amina case may be cited as a precedent. If othermagistrates ruled as Anthony Yuen did, wouldoffenders not have to be put behind bars?
Society does not want the court to be harshtowards celebrities or their relatives. It only expects itto deal with them as it does others - to take facts asthe basis and the law as the criterion.
"Not only must justice be done; it must also beseen to be done." It is quite clear that the Amina casefails this test. The Secretary for Justice ought to seek aremedy. Under the existing procedures, he mayrequire a retrial by the same magistrate (AnthonyYuen). If he finds the retrial unsatisfactory, he mayrefer the case to the Court of First Instance. It isincumbent upon the Secretary for Justice tosafeguard the rule of law. We hope he will take actionto put the Amina case right so that the public will seejustice is upheld.
明報社評 三度襲警均免囚司法公義蒙陰影
終審法院常任法官包致金的侄女Amina MariamBokhary （以下稱Amina Amina）， ），99 年來33 次被控襲警罪，分別都罪名成立或認罪，但是她都先後獲得法官輕判，毋須坐牢，情况極其罕有。
一般名人或名人親屬涉及刑事案件，由於他們有財有勢，本來已經有先天優勢，包括有財力聘請大律師甚至資深大律師，為他們挖空心思打官司，也可以請權威醫生寫健康報告。另外，也可以動員社會名流為品格證人，作為向法官求情之用。
就Amina 而言，除了上述優勢，她的叔父包致金身為終審法院常任法官、她的嬸嬸包鍾倩薇是高院原訟庭法官，他們兩人在司法界的顯赫地位，會否成為被告另一層優勢，在侄女的案件中起過作用，正是此案宣判後，引發輿論熱烈討論的原因，也是許多人心中疑問的關鍵所在。
至於判決，裁判官重視Amina 的良好背景、美滿家庭及教育，更認為她並非壞人，是需要接受幫助的病人，就襲警罪只判她接受11 年感化；其餘拒絕提供呼氣樣本及不小心駕駛，則分別判她罰款8000 元及停牌11 年。不過，法律界人士認為，初犯襲警罪，已經可以判處入獄，基於一些考慮寬大處理，還可以接受，但是再犯仍然不判囚，則不能接受，被告第三次襲警，竟然獲得輕判，毋須入獄，更是無法接受。
另外，法律界人士又認為酗酒和躁狂抑鬱症，作為抗辯和求情理由，一般情况下，不會得到法庭接受，况且在 Amina 的案件中，她2008 年第二次襲警時，已經用躁鬱症來抗辯和求情，這次她故技重施，但是兩年來是否就此接受過治療，法庭並沒有交代。法庭總不能容許恃病凌人的情况，繼續存在。
Amina 獲得輕判，警隊反彈甚大，有網民在facebook設立一個「強烈要求律政司介入，重判包致金侄女」的群組，可謂一呼百應，到昨日已有逾萬人加入。律政司要撫平民情，只是事態的其中一面，就算在法治層面，律政司也有責任釐清判決是否恰當。因為裁判法院審理很多這類酒後駕駛和襲警案，而Amina 的案例，有可能會被援引。其他法官若都像阮偉明般判決，這樣就突出了同類案件的被告，是否都不用坐牢的問題。
對於名人或名人親屬，社會人士並非認為要嚴苛對待他們，只是期望法庭實事求是，正常的「以事實為基礎，以法律為準繩」，與其他各色人等一視同仁而已。司法公義不但要做得到，在實踐過程中也要使公衆看得到。Amina 的案件，顯然未能滿足這個準則的檢驗要求。律政司必須尋求補救，按現有程序，律政司可提出覆核，由原審裁判官阮偉明處理， 律政司若仍然不滿覆核結果，則可交由高院原訟庭覆核。捍衛法治是律政司的責任，期望律政司採取行動，就Amina 的案件，還香港和市民一個公道。
Glossary
intoxication //IInn ?tt ??ks ksII''ke keII ʃʃ((??)n/)being under the influence of alcohol or drugs.
disgruntled /d dIIss''gr ??ntld/ ntld/cross and dissatisfied.
incumbent //IInn''kk ??mb mb ??nt/ nt/If it is incumbent upon you to do something, itis your duty to do it.
2010年8月4日星期三
Law & Order Law & Order SVU
The award-winning series Law & OrderSpecial Victims Unit returns for its 11thseason, Wentworth Miller takes off hisPrison Break overalls (連身工作褲) and kicksoff the latest season as a police officer.
Miller guest-starred as Detective NateKendall, a detective from Precinct (管轄區) 24of the NYPD. After he helps a rape victim andrushes her to the SVU precinct and passesthe victim off to Detectives Elliot Stabler(Christopher Meloni) and Olivia Benson(Mariska Hargitay), Kendall becomes ropedinto solving this rape case. However, Stablerand Benson later believe that Kendall is notright for the case due to his unstablepersonality. Sharon Stone also joined theseries as assistant district attorney JoMarlowe, a former cop who shares a historywith Stabler. She trained Stabler when hewas a rookie (新手).
This hard-hitting and emotional serieschronicles ( 記述) the life and crimes of theSpecial Victims Unit of the New York PoliceDepartment, the elite squad ( 小隊) ofdetectives who investigate sexually basedcrimes. In 2010, Mariska Hargitay garnered( 獲得) her seventh Emmy nomination forLead Actress in a Drama Series, and won the2006 Emmy for that category.
Internet-related crimes take prominencethis season as the series deals with onlinedating websites and pictures of murders andrapes released on the Web.
Miller guest-starred as Detective NateKendall, a detective from Precinct (管轄區) 24of the NYPD. After he helps a rape victim andrushes her to the SVU precinct and passesthe victim off to Detectives Elliot Stabler(Christopher Meloni) and Olivia Benson(Mariska Hargitay), Kendall becomes ropedinto solving this rape case. However, Stablerand Benson later believe that Kendall is notright for the case due to his unstablepersonality. Sharon Stone also joined theseries as assistant district attorney JoMarlowe, a former cop who shares a historywith Stabler. She trained Stabler when hewas a rookie (新手).
This hard-hitting and emotional serieschronicles ( 記述) the life and crimes of theSpecial Victims Unit of the New York PoliceDepartment, the elite squad ( 小隊) ofdetectives who investigate sexually basedcrimes. In 2010, Mariska Hargitay garnered( 獲得) her seventh Emmy nomination forLead Actress in a Drama Series, and won the2006 Emmy for that category.
Internet-related crimes take prominencethis season as the series deals with onlinedating websites and pictures of murders andrapes released on the Web.
Romeo, Romeo
"O Romeo, Romeo, wherefore art thouRomeo?"-This famous Shakespeareanline sets the scene for the quaint ( 古雅的),romantic town of "fair Verona", where one ofthe most well-known tragedies is based.With a traditional Italian pizza and a glassof wine, we sat in the open air-restaurant onthe square, basking in the moon-lit sight ofthe beautiful cobbled streets decorated byplaques of Shakespearean quotes from hisvarious plays, old fountains and trotting horsecarriages. The surrounding atmosphere wasbrimming (充滿) with class and culture as wewatched the stream of well-dressed,buzzing crowd filing (排成縱隊前進) out ofthe Colosseum (古羅馬鬥獸場), which, forthe night, served as an opera house.
The next day, we visited the main touristattraction-Juliet's House. A smallcourtyard filled with tourists capturing theview of the famous balcony. Overhearingsome gullible (易受騙的) tourists' exclamationsof "Did Juliet actually live here?" and even"This isn't where Leonardo DiCaprioclimbed... Where's the swimming pool?" (Ashe starred in one of the film versions of theplay), I could not help but smile and recallthe millions of quotes and analysis duringmy GCSE studies. All thoughts disappearedas two actors acted the notorious balconyscene out in Italian, where the girls wouldsquirm with heart-melting emotions, whilstthe men would pretend to be unimpressedby the dramatic passion to prove theirmachismo (男子氣概), but secretly wantingto be the charming Romeo.
Verona served as a graceful town not onlyperfect for couples searching for a romanticescape, but also for travellers discovering themagnificent works of William Shakespeare.It is truly a hidden gem in Italy.
Writer's Profile
An unconventional boardingschool-educated gap yearstudent who is about to study atOxford University.
text by Amanda Yu
The next day, we visited the main touristattraction-Juliet's House. A smallcourtyard filled with tourists capturing theview of the famous balcony. Overhearingsome gullible (易受騙的) tourists' exclamationsof "Did Juliet actually live here?" and even"This isn't where Leonardo DiCaprioclimbed... Where's the swimming pool?" (Ashe starred in one of the film versions of theplay), I could not help but smile and recallthe millions of quotes and analysis duringmy GCSE studies. All thoughts disappearedas two actors acted the notorious balconyscene out in Italian, where the girls wouldsquirm with heart-melting emotions, whilstthe men would pretend to be unimpressedby the dramatic passion to prove theirmachismo (男子氣概), but secretly wantingto be the charming Romeo.
Verona served as a graceful town not onlyperfect for couples searching for a romanticescape, but also for travellers discovering themagnificent works of William Shakespeare.It is truly a hidden gem in Italy.
Writer's Profile
An unconventional boardingschool-educated gap yearstudent who is about to study atOxford University.
text by Amanda Yu
英語近義詞A-Z
寫作談話，反複使用同一字詞，不但累贅，也暴露有限的表達能力。巧妙運用英語近義詞，得心應手表達所想。逢周三刊出。
1. advice (noun)（有益的）忠告、建議
an opinion on something that is meant to be helpfulto someone
E.g. Can I ask your advice on how to remove ink stains?
近義詞：
counsel （有識之士對某嚴肅事件的）建議、忠告
(formal) advice about a serious matter from a wiseor knowledgeable person
E.g. In despair, he sought counsel from the parishpriest.
opinion（個人的）看法、主張
? someone's personal view on a subject, which theperson hearing it may or may not agree with
recommendation 推薦、建議
a statement saying that a particular thing or courseof action is definitely good and that you think aperson should try it
2. angry (adj)生氣的、憤怒的
having a strong negative feeling about something anda wish to do something, possibly violent, to changethings or take revenge
E.g. I was so angry about the way the shop assistanttreated me, I complained to the manager.
近義詞：annoyed 惱怒的、不耐煩的
feeling mildly angry and impatient
E.g. She was annoyed by his persistence.
cross 惱怒的、生氣的
(informal) moderately angryE.g. My mum was cross with me for breaking a vase.
furious 狂怒的、暴怒的
feeling or showing extreme angerE.g. Furious at being ignored, she stormed out.
你知道更多的近義詞嗎？找3個英語近義詞，寄柴灣嘉業街18號明報工業中心A座15樓明報編輯部「通通識」，或電郵至 english@mingpao.com，被抽中者即可獲贈由商務印書館送出《雙解英語近義詞辨異詞典》一本，每期名額一個。上期「暢所欲言A-Z」得獎者：CheungHoYin
1. advice (noun)（有益的）忠告、建議
an opinion on something that is meant to be helpfulto someone
E.g. Can I ask your advice on how to remove ink stains?
近義詞：
counsel （有識之士對某嚴肅事件的）建議、忠告
(formal) advice about a serious matter from a wiseor knowledgeable person
E.g. In despair, he sought counsel from the parishpriest.
opinion（個人的）看法、主張
? someone's personal view on a subject, which theperson hearing it may or may not agree with
recommendation 推薦、建議
a statement saying that a particular thing or courseof action is definitely good and that you think aperson should try it
2. angry (adj)生氣的、憤怒的
having a strong negative feeling about something anda wish to do something, possibly violent, to changethings or take revenge
E.g. I was so angry about the way the shop assistanttreated me, I complained to the manager.
近義詞：annoyed 惱怒的、不耐煩的
feeling mildly angry and impatient
E.g. She was annoyed by his persistence.
cross 惱怒的、生氣的
(informal) moderately angryE.g. My mum was cross with me for breaking a vase.
furious 狂怒的、暴怒的
feeling or showing extreme angerE.g. Furious at being ignored, she stormed out.
你知道更多的近義詞嗎？找3個英語近義詞，寄柴灣嘉業街18號明報工業中心A座15樓明報編輯部「通通識」，或電郵至 english@mingpao.com，被抽中者即可獲贈由商務印書館送出《雙解英語近義詞辨異詞典》一本，每期名額一個。上期「暢所欲言A-Z」得獎者：CheungHoYin
police 和self-regulate
Fai (english@mingpao.com)Have you any questions about English usage?Don't hesitate to send them to us!
讀者Leo 來電郵問，police 和self-regulate 有何分別？ 「請業界發揮自律精神」的英文如何表達？
Police 可以是名詞，也可以是動詞。用作名詞時，意思是警察，用作動詞時，意思是監察，而且是監察他人，自我監察或監管是self-police，或者police oneself。
Self-regulate 和self-police 意思差不多，後者的法律味道可能濃一點，如果違反了什麼規則，說不定要負上法律後果；前者彈性比較大， 也就是說， 懲罰還是有， 但沒有self-police 的情况那麼嚴重。
自律的規範可能更低一點，因為它到底只不過是一種精神而已，違反了可能一點後果都沒有。英文可以用self-discipline 一字。Leo 問的一句，我嘗試翻譯為：
We call upon our colleagues in theprofession to exercise self-discipline in theirconduct.
翻譯見仁見智，讀者如另有高見，請不吝賜教。
讀者Leo 來電郵問，police 和self-regulate 有何分別？ 「請業界發揮自律精神」的英文如何表達？
Police 可以是名詞，也可以是動詞。用作名詞時，意思是警察，用作動詞時，意思是監察，而且是監察他人，自我監察或監管是self-police，或者police oneself。
Self-regulate 和self-police 意思差不多，後者的法律味道可能濃一點，如果違反了什麼規則，說不定要負上法律後果；前者彈性比較大， 也就是說， 懲罰還是有， 但沒有self-police 的情况那麼嚴重。
自律的規範可能更低一點，因為它到底只不過是一種精神而已，違反了可能一點後果都沒有。英文可以用self-discipline 一字。Leo 問的一句，我嘗試翻譯為：
We call upon our colleagues in theprofession to exercise self-discipline in theirconduct.
翻譯見仁見智，讀者如另有高見，請不吝賜教。
Pro-Cantonese campaign
GUANGZHOU saw people take to the streetsto defend Cantonese on two Sundays in arow. The campaign has begun withoutrhyme or reason reason. Pro . Pro--Cantonese protesters have nowell well--defined objectives. The authorities have switchedto a tough line. Conceivably, the affair will calm downsoon. However, its cause is worth discussion, as is theway the authorities have handled it. It shows that, nowthe mainland is affluent affluent, mainlanders, especially, young mainlanders, no longer regard certain intangiblecore values as unessential. Now they are prepared totake action to defend them.
An Asiad opens in Guangzhou next November.The People's Political Consultative Conference'sGuangzhou committee had seventeen groups studymatters concerning the Asiad's "soft environment".One of the reports those groups have produced is titled"Proposal that Guangzhou Television IncreasePutonghua Airtime on Its General Channel". Theproposal is aimed at making it easier for Asiad athletesand spectators from other parts of China or other partsof the world to get information on the Games and thecity.
However, netizens have soon raised the matter tothe high plane of principle. They say it is aimed at"promoting putonghua and handicapping Cantonese".The twist is quite surprising.
We do not remember any similar massmovements have taken place since June 4 (twenty oneyears ago). Four aspects of the pro pro--Cantonesecampaign are worth discussion.
(1) The affair has not been adequately discussedin the conventional media, which the authoritiescontrol. It is thanks to the Internet that a generalhubbub has arisen. Deputy secretary of theGuangzhou Party committee Su Zhijie and director ofthe Guangzhou municipal government OuyangYongsheng have in interviews and press conferencesvowed in all sincerity allegations about marginalisingCantonese are utterly unfounded. What they have saidhas been reported in detail in Guangdong'smainstream media. What has happened shows whatthey have said, regarded as governmentpronouncements, has gained no credence. It is thusclear that mainland officials are no longer asauthoritative in common eyes as they were.
(2) It is of course on government instructions thatGuangdong's mainstream media have played downthe affair. The authorities thought that would help calmthings down. As a result, netizens have had much say.Su and Ouyang have had no option but to comment onwhat has been posted on the Internet. They have beenhard put to find explanations. That shows theauthorities have been thrown into passivity. Theauthorities of the mainland control its mainstreammedia, which invariably support their measures. Theyused to be ever successful. However, the advent of theInternet has changed the situation.
(3) Mainlanders are aware how sensitive "politics"is, and they know what the government's bottom lineis. Pro Pro--Cantonese activists call their campaign"cultural". Their call for protecting the dialect is notpolitical. They have tried not to give the authorities anypretext. By calling their gatherings illegal, theGuangzhou authorities have only thrown themselvesinto passivity. Furthermore, the affair showsGuangdong's civil society has matured. People born inthe 1980s or 1990s act on just grounds and withrestraint, and they know when and where to stop. Theymay well become a force conducive to Guangdong'ssocial development.
(4) The day before yesterday, large numbers ofpolice officers coped with people who gathered orstrolled in a park in Guangzhou. Given the impressionthe mainland police had made, what they did was notexactly brutal. However, what has happened showsthe authorities still blindly believe suppression is apanacea for popular unrest.
Guangdong is no longer what it was. It hasprogressed and changed. To adapt themselves to thenew situation, the authorities must adopt a newmindset. The first thing they ought to do is to disabusethemselves of their blind faith in the machine ofdictatorship. They ought to allow people to vent theirgrievances. Unless they do so, trifles will snowball, andthey will bring trouble upon themselves. That wouldmake it hard to bring about social harmony.
「撐粵語」為何演變成群衆運動，值得深思
廣州人「撐粵語」，連續兩個周日都有群衆上街，由於此事之緣起有點「無厘頭」，在缺乏明確目標情况下，加上當局應對手段轉趨強硬，相信事態很快會平息。不過，此事由無到有的成因和當局的處理，值得探究，因為它反映在物質趨向豐腴、生活水平提高之下，內地人民（特別是年輕一代）對一些虛無的核心價值，不再視為可有可無之物，願意挺身以行動捍衛。
廣州亞運11 月舉行，廣州市政協組成17 個調研組，探討亞運軟環境的有關問題，形成的調研報告，其中一份是《關於廣州電視台綜合頻道應增加普通話節目播出時段的建議》，藉此希望方便來廣州參加亞運會比賽和旅遊的國內外賓客，了解亞運和廣州新聞資訊。
但是，這個建議很快就被網民上綱上線為「推普廢粵」，事態的演變使人感到意外。
記憶中， ，21 21 年前六四事件之後，未見過類似性質的群衆運動，箇中緣由，有四方面值得討論。
(1) 此事在官方控制的傳統媒體，未見有足夠討論，而事態鬧得沸沸揚揚，完全是互聯網世界顯示其威力。廣州市委副書記蘇志佳和廣州市政府辦公廳主任歐陽永晟分別透過專訪、記者會，信誓旦旦說打壓粵語乃子虛烏有，絕無其事，廣東主流媒體詳細報道了兩人的說法內容，事態說明，他們的說話，顯然被視為官話，未能取信於民。此情况說明內地官員的權威地位，在民衆心目中已經今非昔比。
(2) 廣東主流媒體低調處理此事，當然是官方授意，以為可淡化事態。話語權由網民掌握，蘇志佳和歐陽永晟只能順着網上說法，窮於解釋，正好說明其被動一面。內地官方掌握全部主流媒體，配合管治，以往可謂無往而不利，但是隨着互聯網興起，情况改變了。(3) 內地民衆知道「政治」的敏感性，也知道政府的底線，這次「撐粵語」行動，他們將之界定為文化事件，所提出保護粵語的口號，也並非政治訴求，使當局難有辦人的口實。廣州當局自行把集會定性為非法，是自陷被動而已。另外， 此事反映廣東省公民社會已逐漸成熟，特別是80 後、90 後的年輕一代，做事有理有節，也懂得適可而止，發展下去，對於推進廣東社會發展，將是一股積極推動力。
(4) 前日大批公安人員對付在公園集會和「散步」民衆的表現，相對於公安一貫予人的印象，已經不算太粗暴，但是事態說明當局仍然迷信鎮壓是對付群衆性運動的萬靈丹。
廣東已經不一樣了。面對這個進步和轉變，當局必須以新思維適應，而疏導民情、不再迷信專政機器鎮壓，應該是首要的思維轉變，否則只會小事化大，自討苦吃，倒過來不利於和諧社會的建設。
Glossary
without rhyme or reasonhout If something happens without rhyme or reason,it happens in a way that cannot be easilyexpl explained or understood.
afflu affluent ent //''aafl fl ʊ? ʊ?nt/ nt/havi having wealth and a good standard of living.
masss
invo involving large numbers of people.lving bott bottom lineom A person's bottom line is the lowest price or thegrea greatest change he is prepared to accept.test
An Asiad opens in Guangzhou next November.The People's Political Consultative Conference'sGuangzhou committee had seventeen groups studymatters concerning the Asiad's "soft environment".One of the reports those groups have produced is titled"Proposal that Guangzhou Television IncreasePutonghua Airtime on Its General Channel". Theproposal is aimed at making it easier for Asiad athletesand spectators from other parts of China or other partsof the world to get information on the Games and thecity.
However, netizens have soon raised the matter tothe high plane of principle. They say it is aimed at"promoting putonghua and handicapping Cantonese".The twist is quite surprising.
We do not remember any similar massmovements have taken place since June 4 (twenty oneyears ago). Four aspects of the pro pro--Cantonesecampaign are worth discussion.
(1) The affair has not been adequately discussedin the conventional media, which the authoritiescontrol. It is thanks to the Internet that a generalhubbub has arisen. Deputy secretary of theGuangzhou Party committee Su Zhijie and director ofthe Guangzhou municipal government OuyangYongsheng have in interviews and press conferencesvowed in all sincerity allegations about marginalisingCantonese are utterly unfounded. What they have saidhas been reported in detail in Guangdong'smainstream media. What has happened shows whatthey have said, regarded as governmentpronouncements, has gained no credence. It is thusclear that mainland officials are no longer asauthoritative in common eyes as they were.
(2) It is of course on government instructions thatGuangdong's mainstream media have played downthe affair. The authorities thought that would help calmthings down. As a result, netizens have had much say.Su and Ouyang have had no option but to comment onwhat has been posted on the Internet. They have beenhard put to find explanations. That shows theauthorities have been thrown into passivity. Theauthorities of the mainland control its mainstreammedia, which invariably support their measures. Theyused to be ever successful. However, the advent of theInternet has changed the situation.
(3) Mainlanders are aware how sensitive "politics"is, and they know what the government's bottom lineis. Pro Pro--Cantonese activists call their campaign"cultural". Their call for protecting the dialect is notpolitical. They have tried not to give the authorities anypretext. By calling their gatherings illegal, theGuangzhou authorities have only thrown themselvesinto passivity. Furthermore, the affair showsGuangdong's civil society has matured. People born inthe 1980s or 1990s act on just grounds and withrestraint, and they know when and where to stop. Theymay well become a force conducive to Guangdong'ssocial development.
(4) The day before yesterday, large numbers ofpolice officers coped with people who gathered orstrolled in a park in Guangzhou. Given the impressionthe mainland police had made, what they did was notexactly brutal. However, what has happened showsthe authorities still blindly believe suppression is apanacea for popular unrest.
Guangdong is no longer what it was. It hasprogressed and changed. To adapt themselves to thenew situation, the authorities must adopt a newmindset. The first thing they ought to do is to disabusethemselves of their blind faith in the machine ofdictatorship. They ought to allow people to vent theirgrievances. Unless they do so, trifles will snowball, andthey will bring trouble upon themselves. That wouldmake it hard to bring about social harmony.
「撐粵語」為何演變成群衆運動，值得深思
廣州人「撐粵語」，連續兩個周日都有群衆上街，由於此事之緣起有點「無厘頭」，在缺乏明確目標情况下，加上當局應對手段轉趨強硬，相信事態很快會平息。不過，此事由無到有的成因和當局的處理，值得探究，因為它反映在物質趨向豐腴、生活水平提高之下，內地人民（特別是年輕一代）對一些虛無的核心價值，不再視為可有可無之物，願意挺身以行動捍衛。
廣州亞運11 月舉行，廣州市政協組成17 個調研組，探討亞運軟環境的有關問題，形成的調研報告，其中一份是《關於廣州電視台綜合頻道應增加普通話節目播出時段的建議》，藉此希望方便來廣州參加亞運會比賽和旅遊的國內外賓客，了解亞運和廣州新聞資訊。
但是，這個建議很快就被網民上綱上線為「推普廢粵」，事態的演變使人感到意外。
記憶中， ，21 21 年前六四事件之後，未見過類似性質的群衆運動，箇中緣由，有四方面值得討論。
(1) 此事在官方控制的傳統媒體，未見有足夠討論，而事態鬧得沸沸揚揚，完全是互聯網世界顯示其威力。廣州市委副書記蘇志佳和廣州市政府辦公廳主任歐陽永晟分別透過專訪、記者會，信誓旦旦說打壓粵語乃子虛烏有，絕無其事，廣東主流媒體詳細報道了兩人的說法內容，事態說明，他們的說話，顯然被視為官話，未能取信於民。此情况說明內地官員的權威地位，在民衆心目中已經今非昔比。
(2) 廣東主流媒體低調處理此事，當然是官方授意，以為可淡化事態。話語權由網民掌握，蘇志佳和歐陽永晟只能順着網上說法，窮於解釋，正好說明其被動一面。內地官方掌握全部主流媒體，配合管治，以往可謂無往而不利，但是隨着互聯網興起，情况改變了。(3) 內地民衆知道「政治」的敏感性，也知道政府的底線，這次「撐粵語」行動，他們將之界定為文化事件，所提出保護粵語的口號，也並非政治訴求，使當局難有辦人的口實。廣州當局自行把集會定性為非法，是自陷被動而已。另外， 此事反映廣東省公民社會已逐漸成熟，特別是80 後、90 後的年輕一代，做事有理有節，也懂得適可而止，發展下去，對於推進廣東社會發展，將是一股積極推動力。
(4) 前日大批公安人員對付在公園集會和「散步」民衆的表現，相對於公安一貫予人的印象，已經不算太粗暴，但是事態說明當局仍然迷信鎮壓是對付群衆性運動的萬靈丹。
廣東已經不一樣了。面對這個進步和轉變，當局必須以新思維適應，而疏導民情、不再迷信專政機器鎮壓，應該是首要的思維轉變，否則只會小事化大，自討苦吃，倒過來不利於和諧社會的建設。
Glossary
without rhyme or reasonhout If something happens without rhyme or reason,it happens in a way that cannot be easilyexpl explained or understood.
afflu affluent ent //''aafl fl ʊ? ʊ?nt/ nt/havi having wealth and a good standard of living.
masss
invo involving large numbers of people.lving bott bottom lineom A person's bottom line is the lowest price or thegrea greatest change he is prepared to accept.test
2010年8月3日星期二
We're not in the clear yet
HSBC Holdings has reported first-half pre-tax profit of more than US$11 billion (HK$85.8 billion). The result certainly exceeded the best market predictions.
Together with other external factors, it's likely the unexpected result will help to spur stocks higher in the short term.
But it would be unrealistic to suggest it's time to sing party songs that everything is going to be all right after the drag in recent months. I'm not a scaremonger, but I prefer to remain cautious for some simple reasons.
First, the unexpected improvement in HSBC's first-half results had a lot to do with write-backs from previous provisions for its US business since the start of the global financial crisis.
Its loan impairment charges and credit risk provisions are now at their lowest level since the crisis began - down US$6.4 billion to US$7.5 billion. Without the write-backs, profits would be halved.
Second, caution has to do with the real economy. How the local market fares is subject to two major forces: the mainland and the United States. The latest economic data released by each country - now being the world's two largest economies - isn't particularly encouraging. China reported its weakest manufacturing data in more than a year, revealing a decrease in the purchasing managers' index gauging industrial activities. The government-backed Federation of Logistics and Purchasing said PMI fell to 51.2 in July from 52.1 in June. An HSBC analysis suggested the mainland PMI slipped below the watershed of 50 to 49.4 in July, from 50.4 in June.
A PMI figure above 50 is usually taken as a sign of expansion, and a number lower means contraction.
It's clear that China's economy is slowing down, with some observers predicting growth may even drop below 8 percent in the final quarter, after jumping nearly 12 percent in the first quarter.
Could it fall lower? For a developed economy, a smaller growth would be fine. But it could bode ill for China if the figure continues to slide. I would expect the central government to take action to prevent this from occurring.
Perhaps this caused talk to abound in the A-share market that Beijing would relax its clampdown on property, therefore sending the market surging ahead of the expected relaxation.
Then, there's the US factor. Is there a lot of good news to be found there? I'm afraid not. The American economy also slowed in the second quarter, as higher unemployment eroded consumer spending, leaving the rebound dependent on business investment.
It forced US Federal Reserve chairman Ben Bernanke to warn the economic outlook was uncertain, and recovery wasn't as strong as initially expected.
Maybe the only good news is the upcoming US mid-term elections. As in most election years, everything will be done to give voters pleasant feelings.
By now, it's widely expected interest rates will be kept at crisis levels despite talks of austerity in other countries. Not only will stock markets be hit by hot money, so will property.
But, as I've said, there's the real economy to worry about. One should keep an eye on this while exploring the financial markets.
英文虎報
Central Station | By Mary Ma
Together with other external factors, it's likely the unexpected result will help to spur stocks higher in the short term.
But it would be unrealistic to suggest it's time to sing party songs that everything is going to be all right after the drag in recent months. I'm not a scaremonger, but I prefer to remain cautious for some simple reasons.
First, the unexpected improvement in HSBC's first-half results had a lot to do with write-backs from previous provisions for its US business since the start of the global financial crisis.
Its loan impairment charges and credit risk provisions are now at their lowest level since the crisis began - down US$6.4 billion to US$7.5 billion. Without the write-backs, profits would be halved.
Second, caution has to do with the real economy. How the local market fares is subject to two major forces: the mainland and the United States. The latest economic data released by each country - now being the world's two largest economies - isn't particularly encouraging. China reported its weakest manufacturing data in more than a year, revealing a decrease in the purchasing managers' index gauging industrial activities. The government-backed Federation of Logistics and Purchasing said PMI fell to 51.2 in July from 52.1 in June. An HSBC analysis suggested the mainland PMI slipped below the watershed of 50 to 49.4 in July, from 50.4 in June.
A PMI figure above 50 is usually taken as a sign of expansion, and a number lower means contraction.
It's clear that China's economy is slowing down, with some observers predicting growth may even drop below 8 percent in the final quarter, after jumping nearly 12 percent in the first quarter.
Could it fall lower? For a developed economy, a smaller growth would be fine. But it could bode ill for China if the figure continues to slide. I would expect the central government to take action to prevent this from occurring.
Perhaps this caused talk to abound in the A-share market that Beijing would relax its clampdown on property, therefore sending the market surging ahead of the expected relaxation.
Then, there's the US factor. Is there a lot of good news to be found there? I'm afraid not. The American economy also slowed in the second quarter, as higher unemployment eroded consumer spending, leaving the rebound dependent on business investment.
It forced US Federal Reserve chairman Ben Bernanke to warn the economic outlook was uncertain, and recovery wasn't as strong as initially expected.
Maybe the only good news is the upcoming US mid-term elections. As in most election years, everything will be done to give voters pleasant feelings.
By now, it's widely expected interest rates will be kept at crisis levels despite talks of austerity in other countries. Not only will stock markets be hit by hot money, so will property.
But, as I've said, there's the real economy to worry about. One should keep an eye on this while exploring the financial markets.
英文虎報
Central Station | By Mary Ma
Buy-back of Eastern Harbour Crossing
THE operator of the Western Harbour Crossing has suddenly announced a toll increase under the existing mechanism. There is nothing the government or the public can do about it.
They are like a piece of meat on a chopping-block. The government has commissioned a consultancy to look at the possibility of buying the tunnel back. However, it has made little progress.
The Western Harbour Crossing Ordinance provides for automatic toll increases. Simply put, the franchisee may impose toll increases on specified dates. However, where in respect of any year its net revenue is less than the minimum estimated net revenue for year and that year is not a year ending immediately before a specified date, it may give effect to the next anticipated toll increase.
Things are such that it is extremely hard to buy the Western Harbour Crossing back. However much the franchisee charges, since the throughput of the Cross-Harbour Tunnel has long been saturated, motorists will have no option if they are in a hurry. In fact, a drop in the throughput of the Western Harbour Crossing following a toll increase would invariably last only for a very short time. The Western Harbour Tunnel Company's franchise will run until thirteen years later. Meanwhile, the tunnel will bring it huge and extremely steady cash revenue. Its profits are guaranteed. The company is a private business, which is bent solely on profit. Would it rashly sell it for any price not astronomical?
However, the franchise of the Eastern Harbour Crossing (also built under a BOT (build, operate and transfer) franchise) expires in six years. Since its throughput is unlikely to change sharply in the foreseeable future, it is quite possible to come to a reasonable price in the light of its future revenue. It is therefore much easier to come to an agreement. In our view, the government should do what is easy rather than what is difficult. It should focus on the possibility of buying the Eastern Harbour Crossing back with a view to breaking the deadlock as soon as possible.
When the government controls two of Hong Kong's three harbour crossings, even if the Western Harbour Tunnel Company charges sky-high tolls, motorists travelling between eastern Kowloon and eastern Hong Kong Island may choose between two crossings. "Pull one hair and you move the whole body." When traffic congestion at both ends of the Cross-Harbour Tunnel eases, fewer motorists will have to use the Western Harbour Crossing, and we may hope buy-back negotiations will take place in different circumstances.
Now, interest is low, hot money has flowed into the SAR's stock and property markets, and the pressure on wages to rise persists on the mainland.
Since most of what Hong Kong needs comes from the mainland, the inflation factor is very worrying indeed.
When inflation goes up, transport fares (linked to the consumer price index) will go up and up. A vicious circle may set in. Transport services are costly in the SAR. That has already aroused much criticism. This factor badly affects citizens' lives and discourages New Territories residents from seeking work on Hong Kong Island. The government should look at the possibility of buying the Eastern Harbour Crossing back as soon as possible. The buy-back would go a long way towards making things easier for grass-roots citizens and easing traffic jams. In short, it may bring such social benefits that it warrants the government's serious consideration.
西隧加價市民無奈應研究先回購東隧
明報社評
2010.08.02
西隧車費話按機制加就加，政府與市民大眾無可奈何，如砧上之肉任人宰割，而政府就是否回購東西隧以疏導紅隧車流的顧問研究則遲遲未見有進展。
根據《西區海底隧道條例》，法例訂明了西隧有自動的收費調整機制。簡單來說，專營公司可在某些指明日期增加收費，不過，如果專營公司在任何一個年度的實際淨收入少於有關法例就該年度指明的最低估計淨收入，西隧便可提前加費。
惟從現實角度考慮，回購西隧難度極高，因為即使隧道費再高，由於同一時間紅隧的流量早已飽和，趕時間的駕駛者根本沒有選擇。事實上，過去西隧加價後，使用量亦只會下跌一段短時間。西隧專營權還有13 年才到期，其間可為公司帶來既龐大又極之穩定的現金收入，如此「穩賺無賠」的生意， 「唯利是圖」的私人公司若非天價，又豈會輕易出售。
相反，同樣以BOT 模式經營的東隧則只餘6 年專營權，未來交通流量變數相對較小，總收入折合現價屬「有數得計」，要達成協議的機會相對較大。因此，我們認為政府未來的工作，應採取捨難取易的方式，集中研究回購東隧，以期盡快打破僵局。
當3 條隧道政府取得其二之後，即使西隧車費仍屬天價，來往東九龍及港島東的汽車便可有兩條隧道疏通，這應可牽一髮而動全身，一旦紅隧的塞車情况改善，駕駛者使用西隧的誘因便可降低，屆時回購談判的形勢就有望改變。
目前利率低企、熱錢流入炒股炒樓，加上內地工資上升壓力持續，對於大部分物資均來自內地的香港而言，往後的通脹形勢是令人憂心的。當通脹上升，與物價掛鈎的各種交通工具車費又會不斷上升，進而形成惡性循環。香港交通費之貴早已備受批評，嚴重影響社會民生，更打擊不少新界居民到港島工作的意欲，政府若能在此時盡早研究回購東隧，有利於促使過海巴士車費下調，這對紓緩基層市民生活壓力會有相當幫助，亦可令塞車時間縮減。總的而言，社會效益很大，所以政府應認真考慮回購東隧。
G lossary
astronomical / astr 'n mIk( )l/extremely large, too large to contemplate.vicious circlea situation in which one problem causesanother, which then makes the first worse.Warrant /'w r nt/make (an action) seem reasonable ornecessary.
每周一音標
They are like a piece of meat on a chopping-block. The government has commissioned a consultancy to look at the possibility of buying the tunnel back. However, it has made little progress.
The Western Harbour Crossing Ordinance provides for automatic toll increases. Simply put, the franchisee may impose toll increases on specified dates. However, where in respect of any year its net revenue is less than the minimum estimated net revenue for year and that year is not a year ending immediately before a specified date, it may give effect to the next anticipated toll increase.
Things are such that it is extremely hard to buy the Western Harbour Crossing back. However much the franchisee charges, since the throughput of the Cross-Harbour Tunnel has long been saturated, motorists will have no option if they are in a hurry. In fact, a drop in the throughput of the Western Harbour Crossing following a toll increase would invariably last only for a very short time. The Western Harbour Tunnel Company's franchise will run until thirteen years later. Meanwhile, the tunnel will bring it huge and extremely steady cash revenue. Its profits are guaranteed. The company is a private business, which is bent solely on profit. Would it rashly sell it for any price not astronomical?
However, the franchise of the Eastern Harbour Crossing (also built under a BOT (build, operate and transfer) franchise) expires in six years. Since its throughput is unlikely to change sharply in the foreseeable future, it is quite possible to come to a reasonable price in the light of its future revenue. It is therefore much easier to come to an agreement. In our view, the government should do what is easy rather than what is difficult. It should focus on the possibility of buying the Eastern Harbour Crossing back with a view to breaking the deadlock as soon as possible.
When the government controls two of Hong Kong's three harbour crossings, even if the Western Harbour Tunnel Company charges sky-high tolls, motorists travelling between eastern Kowloon and eastern Hong Kong Island may choose between two crossings. "Pull one hair and you move the whole body." When traffic congestion at both ends of the Cross-Harbour Tunnel eases, fewer motorists will have to use the Western Harbour Crossing, and we may hope buy-back negotiations will take place in different circumstances.
Now, interest is low, hot money has flowed into the SAR's stock and property markets, and the pressure on wages to rise persists on the mainland.
Since most of what Hong Kong needs comes from the mainland, the inflation factor is very worrying indeed.
When inflation goes up, transport fares (linked to the consumer price index) will go up and up. A vicious circle may set in. Transport services are costly in the SAR. That has already aroused much criticism. This factor badly affects citizens' lives and discourages New Territories residents from seeking work on Hong Kong Island. The government should look at the possibility of buying the Eastern Harbour Crossing back as soon as possible. The buy-back would go a long way towards making things easier for grass-roots citizens and easing traffic jams. In short, it may bring such social benefits that it warrants the government's serious consideration.
西隧加價市民無奈應研究先回購東隧
明報社評
2010.08.02
西隧車費話按機制加就加，政府與市民大眾無可奈何，如砧上之肉任人宰割，而政府就是否回購東西隧以疏導紅隧車流的顧問研究則遲遲未見有進展。
根據《西區海底隧道條例》，法例訂明了西隧有自動的收費調整機制。簡單來說，專營公司可在某些指明日期增加收費，不過，如果專營公司在任何一個年度的實際淨收入少於有關法例就該年度指明的最低估計淨收入，西隧便可提前加費。
惟從現實角度考慮，回購西隧難度極高，因為即使隧道費再高，由於同一時間紅隧的流量早已飽和，趕時間的駕駛者根本沒有選擇。事實上，過去西隧加價後，使用量亦只會下跌一段短時間。西隧專營權還有13 年才到期，其間可為公司帶來既龐大又極之穩定的現金收入，如此「穩賺無賠」的生意， 「唯利是圖」的私人公司若非天價，又豈會輕易出售。
相反，同樣以BOT 模式經營的東隧則只餘6 年專營權，未來交通流量變數相對較小，總收入折合現價屬「有數得計」，要達成協議的機會相對較大。因此，我們認為政府未來的工作，應採取捨難取易的方式，集中研究回購東隧，以期盡快打破僵局。
當3 條隧道政府取得其二之後，即使西隧車費仍屬天價，來往東九龍及港島東的汽車便可有兩條隧道疏通，這應可牽一髮而動全身，一旦紅隧的塞車情况改善，駕駛者使用西隧的誘因便可降低，屆時回購談判的形勢就有望改變。
目前利率低企、熱錢流入炒股炒樓，加上內地工資上升壓力持續，對於大部分物資均來自內地的香港而言，往後的通脹形勢是令人憂心的。當通脹上升，與物價掛鈎的各種交通工具車費又會不斷上升，進而形成惡性循環。香港交通費之貴早已備受批評，嚴重影響社會民生，更打擊不少新界居民到港島工作的意欲，政府若能在此時盡早研究回購東隧，有利於促使過海巴士車費下調，這對紓緩基層市民生活壓力會有相當幫助，亦可令塞車時間縮減。總的而言，社會效益很大，所以政府應認真考慮回購東隧。
G lossary
astronomical / astr 'n mIk( )l/extremely large, too large to contemplate.vicious circlea situation in which one problem causesanother, which then makes the first worse.Warrant /'w r nt/make (an action) seem reasonable ornecessary.
每周一音標
2010年8月2日星期一
Knowing when to hit the brakes
The problem of the cross harbor tunnels hasn't diminished over all these years.
I can only wonder why the government is so reluctant to come up with an ironclad solution once and for all.
The problem with the debt-ridden Western Harbour Tunnel - it's underused - has been there since it opened in 1997.
It doesn't take much imagination to determine what needs to be done: standardize the tolls at all three crossings.
However, the government lacks the political will to do so and, instead, has allowed the Western Harbour Tunnel to jack up its toll for private cars to HK$50 from HK$45, and for taxis to HK$45 from HK$40, effective yesterday.
The hikes will certainly add more traffic pressure to the other two tunnels - the Cross Harbour and Eastern Harbour Crossing. It will also pose a burden for the infrastructure specially designed to link the northwest New Territories - such as Route 8, a trunk road linking Lantau and Sha Tin. This trunk road also connects to the west with the Tsing Ma Bridge and Ting Kau Bridge.
It will further affect the integration of the western part of Hong Kong with Shenzhen, Zhuhai and Guangzhou through Shenzhen Bay.
Yes, the tunnel cost HK$7 billion to build, and the company had outstanding debts of HK$2.6 billion as of December 31. The firm estimates it needs annual net revenues of HK$200 million for the remaining 13 years of its franchise to repay the debt.
The hard question is where to strike a balance. To me, the only solution is for the government to buy back the Western and Eastern Harbour crossings.
Meanwhile, another issue that needs addressing is the fare increase proposed by Kowloon Motor Bus - the second in two years. In June 2008, fares were boosted by 4.5 percent.
This time, KMB and Long Wan Bus have applied for respective fare rises of 8.6 and 7.4 percent. This will mean an average of 52 to 85 HK cents more per trip when the increases take effect on January 1. The proposed hikes have, obviously, drawn intense criticism from people across the political spectrum.
They deserve to be condemned - particularly KMB for failing to play by the rules. Instead of seeking what is allowed under the fare-adjustment mechanism, it has applied for a massive 8.6 percent.
In March, the government announced that according to the mechanism, with an improved economy, fare increase at 1.25 percent was possible. While KMB did not apply for a fare rise in March, it now proposes a hike that greatly exceeds the government's benchmark.
The inflation rate in June was 2.8 percent. Even if the fare increase sought is cut in half to 4.3 percent, it would still greatly exceed the inflation rate.
In this case, the government ought to take action to prevent unreasonable jumps in transportation costs for millions of commuters.
KMB cited high international oil prices as a main reason for the fare increase. But the oil prices in 2008, when KMB last proposed a fare hike, were near the peak of US$140 (HK$1,092) per barrel. The current oil price of US$78.50 for one-month delivery is nowhere close, so citing high oil prices is a rather weak argument.
The government's ability to keep transportation more affordable for the general public will be put to test in screening the application.
The ball is firmly in the government's court.
英文虎報
Central Station | By Mary Ma
I can only wonder why the government is so reluctant to come up with an ironclad solution once and for all.
The problem with the debt-ridden Western Harbour Tunnel - it's underused - has been there since it opened in 1997.
It doesn't take much imagination to determine what needs to be done: standardize the tolls at all three crossings.
However, the government lacks the political will to do so and, instead, has allowed the Western Harbour Tunnel to jack up its toll for private cars to HK$50 from HK$45, and for taxis to HK$45 from HK$40, effective yesterday.
The hikes will certainly add more traffic pressure to the other two tunnels - the Cross Harbour and Eastern Harbour Crossing. It will also pose a burden for the infrastructure specially designed to link the northwest New Territories - such as Route 8, a trunk road linking Lantau and Sha Tin. This trunk road also connects to the west with the Tsing Ma Bridge and Ting Kau Bridge.
It will further affect the integration of the western part of Hong Kong with Shenzhen, Zhuhai and Guangzhou through Shenzhen Bay.
Yes, the tunnel cost HK$7 billion to build, and the company had outstanding debts of HK$2.6 billion as of December 31. The firm estimates it needs annual net revenues of HK$200 million for the remaining 13 years of its franchise to repay the debt.
The hard question is where to strike a balance. To me, the only solution is for the government to buy back the Western and Eastern Harbour crossings.
Meanwhile, another issue that needs addressing is the fare increase proposed by Kowloon Motor Bus - the second in two years. In June 2008, fares were boosted by 4.5 percent.
This time, KMB and Long Wan Bus have applied for respective fare rises of 8.6 and 7.4 percent. This will mean an average of 52 to 85 HK cents more per trip when the increases take effect on January 1. The proposed hikes have, obviously, drawn intense criticism from people across the political spectrum.
They deserve to be condemned - particularly KMB for failing to play by the rules. Instead of seeking what is allowed under the fare-adjustment mechanism, it has applied for a massive 8.6 percent.
In March, the government announced that according to the mechanism, with an improved economy, fare increase at 1.25 percent was possible. While KMB did not apply for a fare rise in March, it now proposes a hike that greatly exceeds the government's benchmark.
The inflation rate in June was 2.8 percent. Even if the fare increase sought is cut in half to 4.3 percent, it would still greatly exceed the inflation rate.
In this case, the government ought to take action to prevent unreasonable jumps in transportation costs for millions of commuters.
KMB cited high international oil prices as a main reason for the fare increase. But the oil prices in 2008, when KMB last proposed a fare hike, were near the peak of US$140 (HK$1,092) per barrel. The current oil price of US$78.50 for one-month delivery is nowhere close, so citing high oil prices is a rather weak argument.
The government's ability to keep transportation more affordable for the general public will be put to test in screening the application.
The ball is firmly in the government's court.
英文虎報
Central Station | By Mary Ma
adjectival phrase
根據上文下理，空襲死去的當然是住在城市的人，不是城市本身，所以應該填上who。可是這樣一來，who就緊隨city 一字， 而不是要修飾的people，這問題應怎麼解決？
形容短語（adjectival phrases），不管是放前放後，都要緊貼被修飾的名詞，這是基本的原則，所以碰到上述情况，就要把句子改寫了。
就以Albert 的句子為例，我們大可把of the city 刪掉，將它修改成︰The plane bombed the city and killedmany people who did not haveshelters.
既然句子前一部分已清清楚楚說城市遭受飛機轟炸，死去的人自然是住在城內的人，大可不必再重複of thecity。
當然還有別的改寫方法，例如：? The plane bombed the city, killingmany people without shelters.? The plane bombed the city. Manypeople without shelters werekilled.
讀者Albert 來電郵問有關relative pronoun 的使用方法：The plane bombed the city and killed many people of thecity _______ did not have shelters.空格應該填上who 還是which？
Fai (english@mingpao.com)Have you any questions about Englishusage? Don't hesitate to send them to us!
形容短語（adjectival phrases），不管是放前放後，都要緊貼被修飾的名詞，這是基本的原則，所以碰到上述情况，就要把句子改寫了。
就以Albert 的句子為例，我們大可把of the city 刪掉，將它修改成︰The plane bombed the city and killedmany people who did not haveshelters.
既然句子前一部分已清清楚楚說城市遭受飛機轟炸，死去的人自然是住在城內的人，大可不必再重複of thecity。
當然還有別的改寫方法，例如：? The plane bombed the city, killingmany people without shelters.? The plane bombed the city. Manypeople without shelters werekilled.
讀者Albert 來電郵問有關relative pronoun 的使用方法：The plane bombed the city and killed many people of thecity _______ did not have shelters.空格應該填上who 還是which？
Fai (english@mingpao.com)Have you any questions about Englishusage? Don't hesitate to send them to us!
secret Steward's
Steward and Charlotte have becomegreat friends. They've been chatting witheach other all day and it seems they can'texhaust their topics. At times Stewardwants to confide to her the biggestsecret about his brother. But he fears shemay not believe him.
One day they go to the Space Museumtogether.
been missing and was more zombiethan human. His brother once told himaliens had kidnapped him and turned himinto a caterpillar fungus in anexperiment. But Steward did hearanother voice that spoke to him. Itseemed his brother's spirit had beenconfined in his body and managed to getout with Steward's help.
Steward: Do you believe in aliens?Charlotte: I do. The universe is so big.
It's full of unknowns.
Steward: But do you think they havebeen in contact withhumans or exist on earth?
Charlotte: That's hard to tell. But themedia have reported suchcases, haven't they? Iwon't be surprised if thereare aliens on earth.
Steward: Do you really think so?Charlotte: One should be open-minded.
Steward feels easier about tellingCharlotte his story. He tells her about thereturn of his missing brother, who had
Charlotte: That sounds very strangeindeed. But you can't doanything about it now.
Steward: And you know what, thezombie died last month.
Charlotte: What?
Steward: My parents found him lie asstiff as a block of wood onhis bed. They were verysad because they couldn'tcure him. But I knew itwould have to be like that.
Charlotte: I bet your parents couldn'tbear losing him again.
Steward: They don't know Simon stillexists. I'm sure he does.The reunion (1 of 5)
"Gobble Grammar" answers1e; 2a, c; 3c, e; 4c, e; 5a, c, e, f; 6c; 7b, f; 8a, c, e, f; 9f; 10c; 11e
Gobble GrammarMatch the nouns to the suitableadjectives:
1. accident●
2. change●
3. danger●
4. difficulty●
5. effect●
6. fun●
7. impression●
8. influence●
9. possibility●
10. skill●
11. threat●
●a. big
●b. deep
●c. great
●d. high
●e. serious
●f. strong
One day they go to the Space Museumtogether.
been missing and was more zombiethan human. His brother once told himaliens had kidnapped him and turned himinto a caterpillar fungus in anexperiment. But Steward did hearanother voice that spoke to him. Itseemed his brother's spirit had beenconfined in his body and managed to getout with Steward's help.
Steward: Do you believe in aliens?Charlotte: I do. The universe is so big.
It's full of unknowns.
Steward: But do you think they havebeen in contact withhumans or exist on earth?
Charlotte: That's hard to tell. But themedia have reported suchcases, haven't they? Iwon't be surprised if thereare aliens on earth.
Steward: Do you really think so?Charlotte: One should be open-minded.
Steward feels easier about tellingCharlotte his story. He tells her about thereturn of his missing brother, who had
Charlotte: That sounds very strangeindeed. But you can't doanything about it now.
Steward: And you know what, thezombie died last month.
Charlotte: What?
Steward: My parents found him lie asstiff as a block of wood onhis bed. They were verysad because they couldn'tcure him. But I knew itwould have to be like that.
Charlotte: I bet your parents couldn'tbear losing him again.
Steward: They don't know Simon stillexists. I'm sure he does.The reunion (1 of 5)
"Gobble Grammar" answers1e; 2a, c; 3c, e; 4c, e; 5a, c, e, f; 6c; 7b, f; 8a, c, e, f; 9f; 10c; 11e
Gobble GrammarMatch the nouns to the suitableadjectives:
1. accident●
2. change●
3. danger●
4. difficulty●
5. effect●
6. fun●
7. impression●
8. influence●
9. possibility●
10. skill●
11. threat●
●a. big
●b. deep
●c. great
●d. high
●e. serious
●f. strong
啤酒肚 beer belly
"You drink far too much beer! Look, it has given you a beer belly,"
Eddie teased. Lenny was not amused.
"Look at yourself, you've got a beer belly, too!" he said. The truth is,
both these guys have beer bellies. Beer belly is slang ( 俚語) for a bulging (鼓脹的) stomach. "It's called that because people who drink a lot of beer often end up with extended bellies," Eddie explained.
Eddie teased. Lenny was not amused.
"Look at yourself, you've got a beer belly, too!" he said. The truth is,
both these guys have beer bellies. Beer belly is slang ( 俚語) for a bulging (鼓脹的) stomach. "It's called that because people who drink a lot of beer often end up with extended bellies," Eddie explained.
Mainland journalist may be in harm's way
QIU Ziming, a reporter with EconomicObserver News, a mainland publication,published a series of articles allegingillegalities connected with the initial public offering ofZhejiang Kan Specialty Material Co. The SuichangCounty police regarded him as a suspect on the runand issued a warrant for his arrest. Not sooner had theaffair come to light than there was a public outcry.Under the pressure of public opinion and on the Lishuipublic security bureau's instructions, the Suichangpolice cancelled its order to arrest him. Thatinvalidated the warrant.
Qiu's reports say Kan may have misappropriatedstate-owned assets during its IPO and money mayhave been siphoned from a listed company with forgedland use certificates. According to Economic ObserverNews's account of the affair, it began towards the endof last May. When he gathered information, Qiu'sperson was threatened. To buy his silence, Kanoffered him a sum of money, which he refused. OnJuly 27, the police of Suichang (Lishui, Zhejiang),where Kan is based, issued a warrant to arrest him onsuspicion of "damaging a company's reputation".
Economic Observer News has issued a solemnstatement in support of Qiu. It says, "When the reportergathered information, he and his sources wererepeatedly threatened and offered inducements. Westrongly condemn the use of public power to suppresspublic opinion and any threats to media workers'personal safety."
The illegalities alleged in Qiu's reports about Kan'sreorganisation may amount to economic crimes.Instead of following the leads reported in those articles,the Suichang police tried to arrest and prosecute theirauthor. They have simply put the cart before the horseand stood facts on their heads.
Qiu has for the time being avoided persecution.
However, it is not yet known whether Kan will be dealtwith for its alleged illegalities. Mainland journalists whocarry out their duty of exposing injustices may come inharm's way. According to mainland legal experts,
because media workers' rights and responsibilities arenot defined by law, it is open to some to availthemselves of certain draconian provisions of thecriminal code. Therefore, it remains extremely difficultfor journalists to expose evils and speak out for thepeople as they are duty-bound to do.
"Law-enforcement in revenge" is apparently inaccordance with the law. The authorities of a localitymay use their powers to deal with reporters to "protectits government's and its departments' image" and"safeguard the locality's economic development". Whywould a locality's authorities wallow in the miretogether with its villainous groups or act as theirlackeys? That has much to do with what lies at the rootof corruption.
The authorities' attempts to deter media
supervision are proof that such supervision touchesthem on the raw. The police often act as vestedinterests' thugs and guards. Some mainlandersdescribe the Suichang police's behaviour in the QiuZiming affair as a "fragrant violation of the media'ssupervisory power". It has again given people torealise that, unless public power is further restrained,law-enforcement agencies are effectively preventedfrom abusing their powers and effective measures aretaken to prevent public power from being "privatised","law-enforcement in revenge" cannot be stopped.
It is an important task in improving the mainland'slegal system to find ways to protect the media's right ofsupervision and safeguard media workers' personalsafety. If those in power are prepared to introduce thisreform and they succeed, there will be great poweragainst corruption, and many of the mainland'sdeep-rooted problems can be readily solved.
揚弊記者竟遭全國通緝地方官商勾結無法無天
內地《經濟觀察報》記者仇子明接連發表多篇報道，指浙江凱恩集團在上市過程中，涉嫌有不法行為，竟被遂昌縣公安局以「刑拘在逃人員」，發出全國通緝令。事態揭露後群情洶湧，迫於輿情，在麗水市公安局責成下，遂昌公安局撤銷對仇子明的刑事拘留，通緝令自然也無效。
仇子明的報道，指凱恩集團在上市過程中，涉嫌侵吞國有資產、通過他人偽造土地使用權、從上市公司套取資金等問題，據經濟觀察報社披露的〈情况說明〉，事態由 5 月下旬開始，仇子明在採訪中遭到人身威脅，凱恩集團也曾嘗試給予仇子明一筆「封口費」，被仇子明拒絕。到本月27 日，仇子明被凱恩集團所在地浙江麗水遂昌縣公安局以「涉嫌損害公司商業信譽」罪名，認定為刑拘在逃人員，並已向全國發出通緝令。
《經濟觀察報》的嚴正聲明，全力支持仇子明，並表示「在採訪過程中，相關當事人和記者多次受到利誘、威脅。對於有人試圖借助公權力壓倒輿論監督，威脅新聞工作者人身安全，我們表示強烈譴責」。該報要求國家新聞總署及中國記協採取維權行動，維護新聞工作者的正當採訪和報道權，保護新聞工作者的人身安全。
仇子明報道凱恩集團改制過程中種種問題，已經涉嫌經濟犯罪。遂昌縣公安局對媒體所報道的經濟犯罪線索不立案調查，卻對報道違法犯罪問題的記者進行刑事追訴，完全是捨本逐末，是非顛倒。
仇子明暫時得以免遭逼害，但是他所揭露的凱恩集團涉嫌的問題，會否得到正視和處理，還在未知之數；至於記者執行公務，揭露不公平而陷身險境，內地法律專家認為，基於內地對新聞監督的權利、責任，缺乏法律界定，為一些人利用刑法中的極端條例解決問題，提供了條件。所以內地記者在履行揭露黑暗面、為民喉舌的天職，仍然舉步維艱。
這類報復性打壓，都披上「依法辦事」外衣，以「維護地方和部門形象」、「保護地方經濟發展」為由，借助公權力對付記者。至於公權力為何與地方惡勢力沆瀣一氣或為虎作倀，那是觸及貪污腐敗的深層原因。
官員打壓輿論監督，其實正好說明輿論監督擊中其要害，而在打壓中，公安警察經常成為利益集團的打手、貪污腐敗的保護神。就遂昌公安局對付仇子明事件，內地有人形容為「是對媒體輿論監督權的公然施暴」，使人再一次體認，內地若未能加強制約公權力，未能有效控制執法者行使權力的裁量權，未能遏止公權力「私有化」，則「報復性執法」也就不可能杜絕。
保護輿論監督、保護新聞工作者人身安全，是中國法治建設的重要環節，若改革成功（當權者願意改革的話），不但是對付貪污腐敗的強大力量，內地許多深層次問題也可以迎刃而解。
Glossary
illegality /Ili:'galItI/illegal act.
misappropriate /mIs ?'pr ?ʊyprIeIt/If you misappropriate another's property, youapply it to your own use.
touch on the raw
If you touch a person on the raw, you upsethim on a sensitive matter.
Qiu's reports say Kan may have misappropriatedstate-owned assets during its IPO and money mayhave been siphoned from a listed company with forgedland use certificates. According to Economic ObserverNews's account of the affair, it began towards the endof last May. When he gathered information, Qiu'sperson was threatened. To buy his silence, Kanoffered him a sum of money, which he refused. OnJuly 27, the police of Suichang (Lishui, Zhejiang),where Kan is based, issued a warrant to arrest him onsuspicion of "damaging a company's reputation".
Economic Observer News has issued a solemnstatement in support of Qiu. It says, "When the reportergathered information, he and his sources wererepeatedly threatened and offered inducements. Westrongly condemn the use of public power to suppresspublic opinion and any threats to media workers'personal safety."
The illegalities alleged in Qiu's reports about Kan'sreorganisation may amount to economic crimes.Instead of following the leads reported in those articles,the Suichang police tried to arrest and prosecute theirauthor. They have simply put the cart before the horseand stood facts on their heads.
Qiu has for the time being avoided persecution.
However, it is not yet known whether Kan will be dealtwith for its alleged illegalities. Mainland journalists whocarry out their duty of exposing injustices may come inharm's way. According to mainland legal experts,
because media workers' rights and responsibilities arenot defined by law, it is open to some to availthemselves of certain draconian provisions of thecriminal code. Therefore, it remains extremely difficultfor journalists to expose evils and speak out for thepeople as they are duty-bound to do.
"Law-enforcement in revenge" is apparently inaccordance with the law. The authorities of a localitymay use their powers to deal with reporters to "protectits government's and its departments' image" and"safeguard the locality's economic development". Whywould a locality's authorities wallow in the miretogether with its villainous groups or act as theirlackeys? That has much to do with what lies at the rootof corruption.
The authorities' attempts to deter media
supervision are proof that such supervision touchesthem on the raw. The police often act as vestedinterests' thugs and guards. Some mainlandersdescribe the Suichang police's behaviour in the QiuZiming affair as a "fragrant violation of the media'ssupervisory power". It has again given people torealise that, unless public power is further restrained,law-enforcement agencies are effectively preventedfrom abusing their powers and effective measures aretaken to prevent public power from being "privatised","law-enforcement in revenge" cannot be stopped.
It is an important task in improving the mainland'slegal system to find ways to protect the media's right ofsupervision and safeguard media workers' personalsafety. If those in power are prepared to introduce thisreform and they succeed, there will be great poweragainst corruption, and many of the mainland'sdeep-rooted problems can be readily solved.
揚弊記者竟遭全國通緝地方官商勾結無法無天
內地《經濟觀察報》記者仇子明接連發表多篇報道，指浙江凱恩集團在上市過程中，涉嫌有不法行為，竟被遂昌縣公安局以「刑拘在逃人員」，發出全國通緝令。事態揭露後群情洶湧，迫於輿情，在麗水市公安局責成下，遂昌公安局撤銷對仇子明的刑事拘留，通緝令自然也無效。
仇子明的報道，指凱恩集團在上市過程中，涉嫌侵吞國有資產、通過他人偽造土地使用權、從上市公司套取資金等問題，據經濟觀察報社披露的〈情况說明〉，事態由 5 月下旬開始，仇子明在採訪中遭到人身威脅，凱恩集團也曾嘗試給予仇子明一筆「封口費」，被仇子明拒絕。到本月27 日，仇子明被凱恩集團所在地浙江麗水遂昌縣公安局以「涉嫌損害公司商業信譽」罪名，認定為刑拘在逃人員，並已向全國發出通緝令。
《經濟觀察報》的嚴正聲明，全力支持仇子明，並表示「在採訪過程中，相關當事人和記者多次受到利誘、威脅。對於有人試圖借助公權力壓倒輿論監督，威脅新聞工作者人身安全，我們表示強烈譴責」。該報要求國家新聞總署及中國記協採取維權行動，維護新聞工作者的正當採訪和報道權，保護新聞工作者的人身安全。
仇子明報道凱恩集團改制過程中種種問題，已經涉嫌經濟犯罪。遂昌縣公安局對媒體所報道的經濟犯罪線索不立案調查，卻對報道違法犯罪問題的記者進行刑事追訴，完全是捨本逐末，是非顛倒。
仇子明暫時得以免遭逼害，但是他所揭露的凱恩集團涉嫌的問題，會否得到正視和處理，還在未知之數；至於記者執行公務，揭露不公平而陷身險境，內地法律專家認為，基於內地對新聞監督的權利、責任，缺乏法律界定，為一些人利用刑法中的極端條例解決問題，提供了條件。所以內地記者在履行揭露黑暗面、為民喉舌的天職，仍然舉步維艱。
這類報復性打壓，都披上「依法辦事」外衣，以「維護地方和部門形象」、「保護地方經濟發展」為由，借助公權力對付記者。至於公權力為何與地方惡勢力沆瀣一氣或為虎作倀，那是觸及貪污腐敗的深層原因。
官員打壓輿論監督，其實正好說明輿論監督擊中其要害，而在打壓中，公安警察經常成為利益集團的打手、貪污腐敗的保護神。就遂昌公安局對付仇子明事件，內地有人形容為「是對媒體輿論監督權的公然施暴」，使人再一次體認，內地若未能加強制約公權力，未能有效控制執法者行使權力的裁量權，未能遏止公權力「私有化」，則「報復性執法」也就不可能杜絕。
保護輿論監督、保護新聞工作者人身安全，是中國法治建設的重要環節，若改革成功（當權者願意改革的話），不但是對付貪污腐敗的強大力量，內地許多深層次問題也可以迎刃而解。
Glossary
illegality /Ili:'galItI/illegal act.
misappropriate /mIs ?'pr ?ʊyprIeIt/If you misappropriate another's property, youapply it to your own use.
touch on the raw
If you touch a person on the raw, you upsethim on a sensitive matter.
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