THE curtain has come down on thefive five--constituency by by--election. Since theestablishmentarians boycotted it, and hawksand doves were in a two two--line struggle in thepan pan--democratic camp, a low turnout was expected.
Those who refrained from going to the pollsyesterday fall into two groups. In one are those whoalways support the establishmentarians. Their ideas ofdemocratisation differ radically from thepan pan--democrats'. In the other are supporters of thepan pan--democrats. They ardently crave democracy, butthey disapprove of the radical approach the alliancebetween the Civic Party and the League of SocialDemocrats has used. The low turnout may be taken asevidence that Hong Kong people do not approve of the"de facto referendum" strategy, but it is wrong to take itto mean they do not support democracy or theysupport the government's constitutional reformpackage. Hong Kong people do crave democratisationand genuine universal suffrage. Beijing must notmisread the situation.
Some months ago, some pan pan--democratic doves(including academics, members of the public and anumber of Democratic Party legislators) formed theAlliance for Universal Suffrage. It unveiled on 13 March2010 its proposed constitutional reform plan. Thedoves' plan represents a paradigm shift in thediscussion of Hong Kong's constitutional system, forthe moderate democrats have adopted a totally newstrategy - to protect their rivals' interests.
According to Cheung Man Man--kwong, a DemocraticParty legislator, the Alliance proposes that, in 2020,the Legislative Council should have 100 members.
Under the doves' plan, 50 of them would be returnedby geographical constituencies through directelections. There would be seven instead of fivegeographical constituencies. All voters would cast theirsecond votes for political parties, each of which wouldhave a share of the remaining 50 seats proportional toits shares of the vote vote..
The idea of the plan is to safeguard rivals'interests. Unthinkable as it is, it has its theoreticalbasis. The basic idea is that, under the new plan, thebasic interests of all the parties to the agreementwould be protected. In short, to come to an agreement,the reformers and the establishmentarians must makesure that the new system would safeguard both sides'interests and would wipe neither side out.
The Alliance for Universal Suffrage's package isby no means perfect. However, the doves have takengreat pains. To ensure that Hong Kong people willenjoy universal suffrage, they are prepared to fetterthemselves and limit the pan pan--democratic camp's powerwith systems. It is a shame that theestablishmentarians have yet to make any significantmove in response to it.
The establishmentarians have bashed radicaldemocrats' "de facto referendum" in a high high--profilemanner and, at the same time, cold cold--shoulderedmoderate democrats' "win win--win" plan. As they havetaken such an attitude, how can people believe theysincerely want Hong Kong's constitutional system toprogress?
If the doves are so disheartened by theestablishmentarians' stalling that they believe theircalls for communication will lead them nowhere nowhere, the, situation will only work to the hawks' advantage. Thefire of radicalism will burn even more fiercely. Thatwould not do Hong Kong any good. Therefore, theestablishmentarians must not allow themselves to beintoxicated by the low turnout. The central governmentand the SAR government must especially be sober.
Hong Kong's constitutional development is now at acritical juncture. They should seize the opportunity tointeract constructively with moderate democrats anddo away with what has hindered Hong Kong'sconstitutional reform.
明報社評
2010.05.17
補選落幕建制派應對「鴿派方案」釋出善意
5 區補選落幕了，由於建制派不參與，以及泛民有鷹鴿兩條路線之爭，所以，投票率低是意料中事。
昨日選擇不投票的人可分兩大類：一是傳統建制派的支持者，他們對民主的訴求與泛民有根本的分別；另一類則是泛民的支持者，他們對民主有堅實的追求，只是不認同公社聯盟的激進手法，因而選擇不投票。因此，昨日的低投票率，一個解讀是港人不認同「變相公投」這手段，但不可以解讀為港人不支持民主，甚或解讀為港人支持特區政府的政改方案。港人對民主、對要求落實真普選，有堅定不移的訴求，北京不要錯誤解讀。
過去幾個月，民主派的鴿派（包括民主黨多名立法會議員、學者和社會人士）組成了「終極普選聯盟」，他們於今年3 月13 日公布了政改建議，這個「鴿派方案」是香港政制討論的重要範式轉移，因為溫和民主派採取一個全新的策略──從「保障對方的利益」出發。
民主黨立法會議員張文光強調，大聯盟建議2020 年立法會增至100 席， 50席分區直選，選區從現時5 個重劃為7 個；另外50 席由全港選民不分選區投第二票給政黨，各政黨按得票比例分配議席。
這個方案的重點是「為對手着想」，看似匪夷所思，實則有其理論根據。其基礎是參與協議者的基本利益在新遊戲規則下將得到保障。簡言之，建制派與改革派要達成協議，就要確保新政制不會把對方趕盡殺絕，雙方利益都得到保障。
鴿派方案絕非完美，但用心良苦，為了實現普選，不惜在制度上自我約束，限制民主派的力量，確保對手獲得一定比例的議席。可惜，這方案迄今沒有得到建制派任何有意義的回應。
建制派一方面高調打擊激進民主派的「變相公投」，另一方面冷待溫和民主派的雙贏方案，如此取態，怎能叫人相信建制派是有誠意推動香港政制向前走？
如果鴿派被建制派拖至心灰意冷，認定溝通之路是虛假的話，只會益了鷹派，令激進之火愈燒愈烈，這決非香港之福。所以，建制派勿為昨天的低投票率而自我陶醉，特區政府和中央尤其要頭腦清醒，在這個香港政制發展的關鍵時刻，把握機會，與溫和民主派形成良性互動，打破政改瓶頸。
Glossary
paradigm //''ppaarr ???da daIIm/ m/ shift
a great and important change in the way something is done or thought about.
vote
The vote means the total number of votes in anelection.
nowhere
If something leads you nowhere, it has nosuccessful result for you.
2010年5月18日星期二
2010年5月17日星期一
FSD is under fire
THE Office of the Ombudsman initiated a direct investigation into the Fire Services Department's (FSD's) regulation of eateries'fire safety facilities. Its conclusion is that the FSD'smanagement is outdated, and its regulation lax. Itsfindings lay bare two fundamental problems. First,owing to limitations of the FSD's establishment, itsadministration is not up to modern standard. Second,the Security Bureau has long been ignorant of theFSD's inadequacies or has long ignored them. It hasfailed to fulfil its supervisory function. It can hardlyescape the blame for what has happened at the FSD.The Office of the Ombudsman has called theFSD's management outdated and its regulation lax.This criticism is very severe indeed. Were the Directorof Fire Services an accountability official, he wouldhave to take the blame and step down. Being a civilservant, he need not do so. However, the problems theOffice of the Ombudsman has uncovered arelong-standing rather than new. It is clear from thesituation at the FSD that many of its former heads arealso to blame, as is the Security Bureau, whichsupervises the FSD.
The FSD's outdated management has to do withits characteristics. Its top posts are filled by internalpromotion. The head of the FSD may have muchknowledge of and great expertise in his line of work.However, one who has such professional qualificationsmay not be a capable administrator. When a fire fighterwas killed in the line of duty, his fellow officers wouldcomplain of inadequate equipment and otherproblems. Things have not worsened because top FSDofficers have managed to pacify them. However, firefighters' complaints indeed point to the FSD'smismanagement. They have been placated, but thatdoes not mean the FSD's management problems havedisappeared.
RTHK is in many ways similar to the FSD. Bothare special, and their top posts are filled by internalpromotion. RTHK was once beset with suchadministrative problems that some of its employeeswere prosecuted. Those problems cost RTHK dearly.Subsequently, the government appointed Gracie FooDeputy Director of Broadcasting. A shake-up helpedstop loopholes in RTHK's management system andreturn the broadcaster to the right track.
Departments like the FSD abhor the "parachuting"of administrative officers (AOs). In fact, it may beproblematic to have an AO head such a departmentbecause experts will then have to take instructionsfrom a layman. No AO is omnipotent. However, AOshave received training and have experience inadministration. Some say the government should makean AO Assistant Director of Fire Services. We believethat would go some way towards improving itsadministration. The AO may leave it when amanagement system is established. The governmentwould do well to consider this suggestion.
The FSD is under the Security Bureau. Is it awarethat FSD officers still process documents manually?The FSD has for years just appeared to carry outinspections at eateries. Does the Security Bureaueffectively supervise the FSD as it is duty bound to do?Such questions ought to be looked into. The SecurityBureau should try to correct mistakes if it has madethem and guard against them if it has not.
明報英語網「雙語社評」 english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
2010.05.14明報社評
部門職系首長有局限 宜有政務官協助管理
申訴專員公署（下稱公署）主動調查消防處的食肆消防安全規管工作，結論是消防處「管理落後，監管不嚴」，所暴露問題的性質，我們認為有兩點：（1）部門職系的局限，使部門的行政管理未能適應現代管理的要求，有很大關係；（2）保安局長期以來未察覺或漠視消防處力有不逮之處，未能發揮領導職能，對於消防處的現况，也有不可推卸的責任。
公署指消防處「管理落後，監管不嚴」，這個批評其實十分嚴厲；若是問責官員，大概就會被問責而下台了。消防處長是公務員，沒有問責下台的問題，但是申訴專員公署所揭露問題，並非一朝一夕、而是長期累積的結果，目前的情况，顯示歷任消防處的首長有責任，領導消防工作的保安局也責無旁貸。
消防處內部行政管理落後，與部門的特質有關，領導層由內部遞升，消防首長在其本職所需要知識、技能，或許甚為豐富和高強，但是具備這方面「專業」要求，並不顯示首長們具有行政管理的能力和要求。過去發生的消防員執勤時殉職事件，多會引來消防員隊伍投訴裝備不足等問題，雖然在領導層安撫下，事態未至惡化，但是消防員的投訴，乃反映消防處在管理上出現的問題。安撫了消防員的情緒，不等於解決了管理上的問題。
香港電台與消防處有相同之處，部門性質較特別，領導層都由內部升遷，過去香港電台行政管理上的種種漏弊，導致多名員工官司纏身，港台也為此付出沉重代價。後來政府派遣政務官出身的傅小慧出任副廣播處長，經過一番整頓，港台的行政管理漏弊才得以堵塞，重上正常軌道。
類似消防處的部門職系，極其抗拒政務官空降，事實上，政務官完全主導這類部門，不能排除外行領導內行之憂，政務官也並非萬能，但是政務官在行政管理的訓練和歷煉，若能夠出任副消防處長的職位，對於加強這類部門的行政管理，相信會起到一定作用。派遣政務官協助消防處長管理消防隊伍，或建立起一套管理模式後，政務官引退，由消防處自行運作，這個建議值得政府考慮。
保安局領導消防處工作，該處仍然用人手處理文牘，這些年來，保安局是否知悉？多年來，消防處巡查食肆根本只做表面工夫，保安局在監察和督促方面，是否已經盡其職能？類似問題，值得檢討，有則改之，無則加勉。
G lossary
in the line of dutywhile doing a job.placate /pl ?'keIt/pacify.omnipotent /?m'nIp ?t(?)nt/able to do anything.
每周一音標每周一音標《明報英語網》逢星期二推出「每周一音標」，以視像短片模式教授國際音標，真人發音，歡迎瀏覽
網址：english.mingpao.com
The FSD's outdated management has to do withits characteristics. Its top posts are filled by internalpromotion. The head of the FSD may have muchknowledge of and great expertise in his line of work.However, one who has such professional qualificationsmay not be a capable administrator. When a fire fighterwas killed in the line of duty, his fellow officers wouldcomplain of inadequate equipment and otherproblems. Things have not worsened because top FSDofficers have managed to pacify them. However, firefighters' complaints indeed point to the FSD'smismanagement. They have been placated, but thatdoes not mean the FSD's management problems havedisappeared.
RTHK is in many ways similar to the FSD. Bothare special, and their top posts are filled by internalpromotion. RTHK was once beset with suchadministrative problems that some of its employeeswere prosecuted. Those problems cost RTHK dearly.Subsequently, the government appointed Gracie FooDeputy Director of Broadcasting. A shake-up helpedstop loopholes in RTHK's management system andreturn the broadcaster to the right track.
Departments like the FSD abhor the "parachuting"of administrative officers (AOs). In fact, it may beproblematic to have an AO head such a departmentbecause experts will then have to take instructionsfrom a layman. No AO is omnipotent. However, AOshave received training and have experience inadministration. Some say the government should makean AO Assistant Director of Fire Services. We believethat would go some way towards improving itsadministration. The AO may leave it when amanagement system is established. The governmentwould do well to consider this suggestion.
The FSD is under the Security Bureau. Is it awarethat FSD officers still process documents manually?The FSD has for years just appeared to carry outinspections at eateries. Does the Security Bureaueffectively supervise the FSD as it is duty bound to do?Such questions ought to be looked into. The SecurityBureau should try to correct mistakes if it has madethem and guard against them if it has not.
明報英語網「雙語社評」 english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
2010.05.14明報社評
部門職系首長有局限 宜有政務官協助管理
申訴專員公署（下稱公署）主動調查消防處的食肆消防安全規管工作，結論是消防處「管理落後，監管不嚴」，所暴露問題的性質，我們認為有兩點：（1）部門職系的局限，使部門的行政管理未能適應現代管理的要求，有很大關係；（2）保安局長期以來未察覺或漠視消防處力有不逮之處，未能發揮領導職能，對於消防處的現况，也有不可推卸的責任。
公署指消防處「管理落後，監管不嚴」，這個批評其實十分嚴厲；若是問責官員，大概就會被問責而下台了。消防處長是公務員，沒有問責下台的問題，但是申訴專員公署所揭露問題，並非一朝一夕、而是長期累積的結果，目前的情况，顯示歷任消防處的首長有責任，領導消防工作的保安局也責無旁貸。
消防處內部行政管理落後，與部門的特質有關，領導層由內部遞升，消防首長在其本職所需要知識、技能，或許甚為豐富和高強，但是具備這方面「專業」要求，並不顯示首長們具有行政管理的能力和要求。過去發生的消防員執勤時殉職事件，多會引來消防員隊伍投訴裝備不足等問題，雖然在領導層安撫下，事態未至惡化，但是消防員的投訴，乃反映消防處在管理上出現的問題。安撫了消防員的情緒，不等於解決了管理上的問題。
香港電台與消防處有相同之處，部門性質較特別，領導層都由內部升遷，過去香港電台行政管理上的種種漏弊，導致多名員工官司纏身，港台也為此付出沉重代價。後來政府派遣政務官出身的傅小慧出任副廣播處長，經過一番整頓，港台的行政管理漏弊才得以堵塞，重上正常軌道。
類似消防處的部門職系，極其抗拒政務官空降，事實上，政務官完全主導這類部門，不能排除外行領導內行之憂，政務官也並非萬能，但是政務官在行政管理的訓練和歷煉，若能夠出任副消防處長的職位，對於加強這類部門的行政管理，相信會起到一定作用。派遣政務官協助消防處長管理消防隊伍，或建立起一套管理模式後，政務官引退，由消防處自行運作，這個建議值得政府考慮。
保安局領導消防處工作，該處仍然用人手處理文牘，這些年來，保安局是否知悉？多年來，消防處巡查食肆根本只做表面工夫，保安局在監察和督促方面，是否已經盡其職能？類似問題，值得檢討，有則改之，無則加勉。
G lossary
in the line of dutywhile doing a job.placate /pl ?'keIt/pacify.omnipotent /?m'nIp ?t(?)nt/able to do anything.
每周一音標每周一音標《明報英語網》逢星期二推出「每周一音標」，以視像短片模式教授國際音標，真人發音，歡迎瀏覽
網址：english.mingpao.com
2010年5月16日星期日
2010年5月14日星期五
Only way to stabilise property market
THE auction of a site in Tung Chung, which theauctioneer has described as "unusual", showsthat Hong Kong's property market iscomplicated, that many factors may cause changes init and, one may say, that the government's measuresto regulate it have begun to produce results. However,if the government's policy remains as it is, new flats willstill be in short supply in the next three to five years.The government must not think it has succeeded atone go just because of the auction. It should take thelong view. It should try in earnest to rationalise thesupply and demand of flats and building sites andensure that sales of uncompleted flats are fair andreasonable so that the property market will develophealthily.
The site went for $3.42 billion. It is only 19%higher than the offer that had triggered the auction.Under the application list system, a bid amounting to80% of the open market value of a site will trigger itsauction. Therefore, the transaction price is virtually thereserve price, the least market participants hadexpected it to fetch. It is much lower than what theyhad expected it would fetch (between $4.2 billion and$5.6 billion). On the seaside Tung Chung site over2,000 flats can be produced. Though property priceshave gone up a bit less steeply, flats will still be inshort supply, and property prices will remain high. It issurely unusual that no major developers have beeninterested in it.
To officials responsible for carrying out thegovernment's land policy, the "unusual" auction of theTung Chung site is like a glass of icy water one sipswhen it is freezing. They have keenly felt every bit of it.It shows it is wise of the government to decide to tacklethe situation as it has planned. Simply by dealing withsupply and leaving it to market forces to determineprices, it can cause changes in the distorted propertymarket.
It has been suggested that the "unusual" landauction resulted from the government's "ninemeasures and twelve moves". If it did, there aredeep-rooted problems with the property market. Theymust be solved before it can return to normal. The"nine measures and twelve moves" are only designedto ensure fair transactions by making sales ofuncompleted flats more transparent. Developers arerequired only to respect homebuyers' basic rights - forexample, to allow them to take measurements of showflats. Some may say show flats will be overcrowded ifhomebuyers may do so. However, to solve theproblem, developers only need to display accuratemeasurements in their show flats so that homebuyerswill get the figures they need at one glance. Thegovernment still relies on developers to policethemselves. It should closely monitor the situation. Ifthose measures do not ensure fair transactions, itshould try to protect homebuyers' rights by legislation.
The auction of the Tung Chung site has hadanother effect. As land premia have not gone upsharply, there is hope of reversing the expectation thatproperty prices will always go up and never comedown. People may be less anxious to vie with oneanother to "go aboard", and the government may havemore time and greater latitude to straighten theproperty market out. Apart from increasing land supplyand ensuring fair property sales, the governmentshould consider regularly making mid- and long-termhousing strategies as it did. It should scientificallyascertain flat demand, make plans to meet it and holdregular land auctions. Only if supply is always largelyin equilibrium with demand will the property marketdevelop healthily and normally. Only that is in HongKong's best interests.
明報社評
2010.05.13
糾正供不應求弊端 穩定樓市不二法門
拍賣官形容為「不尋常」的東涌土地拍賣，反映本港樓市複雜詭譎一面，也顯示樓市受多方面因素影響的變動不居一面，也可以說政府的調控樓市措施初見成效。但是按現行政策，未來3 至5 年新落成樓宇供應緊絀的基本格局，並未改變；政府不應因為一時一地的拍賣而以為一舉成功，政府應該高瞻遠矚，認真梳理好土地和樓宇的供求關係，並確保售賣樓花的程序公平合理，讓樓市可以健康發展。
地皮最終以34.2 億元成交，較勾地價僅高出19%，在八折勾地機制下，成交價實際上就是底價，是市場預期下限，與市場原先估計成交價介乎42 億至56 億元，有較大差距。東涌這幅臨海土地，可建逾2000 個單位，近期樓市雖云稍為「唞氣」，但是供不應求格局未變，樓價高居不下趨勢持續，大發展商對這幅地卻興趣缺缺，確實有點不合常理。
這次拍賣東涌地的不尋常情况，相信主管土地政策的官員，會有「寒天飲冰水，點滴在心頭」的感受，經此一事，政府按原定步調對應，是明智決定，政府只要在供應面下工夫，透過正常市場機制決定價格，自然可以改變已經扭曲了的樓市。
另外，若「9 招12 式」導致拍賣東涌地「不尋常」的猜測屬實，其性質就顯示樓市存在深層次問題，若不解決，本港樓市就不可能回復常態。所謂「9 招12 式」，只是增加售賣樓花的透明度，創造一個公平交易環境，要求發展商做的措施，對準業主而言，只屬基本權利，例如在示範單位內度尺，若發展商認為會妨礙人流，則只要發展商在示範單位內標示尺寸，讓準業主一目了然，問題自然解決。目前政策仍倚賴發展商自律，政府應密切監察落實情况，若措施未能達至公平交易，政府就必須立法來保障準業主的權益。
東涌賣地結果產生了一個效果，由於即地價並未飈升，有望扭轉市民認為樓價只升不跌的預期，市民爭相「上車」，唯恐落後的情况會有所紓緩。這個情况下，給予政府較多時間和較大空間理順樓市，除了持續增加土地供應，確保發展商公平售樓以外，政府應該研議恢復定期制訂中長期房屋策略，以科學方式找出真正需求，然後制訂供應方案，定期賣地。只有房屋市場經常處於供求基本平衡，樓市才會健康合理發展，也才符合香港的最大利益。
Glossary
in earnest
more seriously and with more force or effortthan before.
latitude /'latItju:d/
freedom to choose what you do or the way thatyou do it.
ascertain /?as ?'teIn/
find out the true or correct information (onsomething).
The site went for $3.42 billion. It is only 19%higher than the offer that had triggered the auction.Under the application list system, a bid amounting to80% of the open market value of a site will trigger itsauction. Therefore, the transaction price is virtually thereserve price, the least market participants hadexpected it to fetch. It is much lower than what theyhad expected it would fetch (between $4.2 billion and$5.6 billion). On the seaside Tung Chung site over2,000 flats can be produced. Though property priceshave gone up a bit less steeply, flats will still be inshort supply, and property prices will remain high. It issurely unusual that no major developers have beeninterested in it.
To officials responsible for carrying out thegovernment's land policy, the "unusual" auction of theTung Chung site is like a glass of icy water one sipswhen it is freezing. They have keenly felt every bit of it.It shows it is wise of the government to decide to tacklethe situation as it has planned. Simply by dealing withsupply and leaving it to market forces to determineprices, it can cause changes in the distorted propertymarket.
It has been suggested that the "unusual" landauction resulted from the government's "ninemeasures and twelve moves". If it did, there aredeep-rooted problems with the property market. Theymust be solved before it can return to normal. The"nine measures and twelve moves" are only designedto ensure fair transactions by making sales ofuncompleted flats more transparent. Developers arerequired only to respect homebuyers' basic rights - forexample, to allow them to take measurements of showflats. Some may say show flats will be overcrowded ifhomebuyers may do so. However, to solve theproblem, developers only need to display accuratemeasurements in their show flats so that homebuyerswill get the figures they need at one glance. Thegovernment still relies on developers to policethemselves. It should closely monitor the situation. Ifthose measures do not ensure fair transactions, itshould try to protect homebuyers' rights by legislation.
The auction of the Tung Chung site has hadanother effect. As land premia have not gone upsharply, there is hope of reversing the expectation thatproperty prices will always go up and never comedown. People may be less anxious to vie with oneanother to "go aboard", and the government may havemore time and greater latitude to straighten theproperty market out. Apart from increasing land supplyand ensuring fair property sales, the governmentshould consider regularly making mid- and long-termhousing strategies as it did. It should scientificallyascertain flat demand, make plans to meet it and holdregular land auctions. Only if supply is always largelyin equilibrium with demand will the property marketdevelop healthily and normally. Only that is in HongKong's best interests.
明報社評
2010.05.13
糾正供不應求弊端 穩定樓市不二法門
拍賣官形容為「不尋常」的東涌土地拍賣，反映本港樓市複雜詭譎一面，也顯示樓市受多方面因素影響的變動不居一面，也可以說政府的調控樓市措施初見成效。但是按現行政策，未來3 至5 年新落成樓宇供應緊絀的基本格局，並未改變；政府不應因為一時一地的拍賣而以為一舉成功，政府應該高瞻遠矚，認真梳理好土地和樓宇的供求關係，並確保售賣樓花的程序公平合理，讓樓市可以健康發展。
地皮最終以34.2 億元成交，較勾地價僅高出19%，在八折勾地機制下，成交價實際上就是底價，是市場預期下限，與市場原先估計成交價介乎42 億至56 億元，有較大差距。東涌這幅臨海土地，可建逾2000 個單位，近期樓市雖云稍為「唞氣」，但是供不應求格局未變，樓價高居不下趨勢持續，大發展商對這幅地卻興趣缺缺，確實有點不合常理。
這次拍賣東涌地的不尋常情况，相信主管土地政策的官員，會有「寒天飲冰水，點滴在心頭」的感受，經此一事，政府按原定步調對應，是明智決定，政府只要在供應面下工夫，透過正常市場機制決定價格，自然可以改變已經扭曲了的樓市。
另外，若「9 招12 式」導致拍賣東涌地「不尋常」的猜測屬實，其性質就顯示樓市存在深層次問題，若不解決，本港樓市就不可能回復常態。所謂「9 招12 式」，只是增加售賣樓花的透明度，創造一個公平交易環境，要求發展商做的措施，對準業主而言，只屬基本權利，例如在示範單位內度尺，若發展商認為會妨礙人流，則只要發展商在示範單位內標示尺寸，讓準業主一目了然，問題自然解決。目前政策仍倚賴發展商自律，政府應密切監察落實情况，若措施未能達至公平交易，政府就必須立法來保障準業主的權益。
東涌賣地結果產生了一個效果，由於即地價並未飈升，有望扭轉市民認為樓價只升不跌的預期，市民爭相「上車」，唯恐落後的情况會有所紓緩。這個情况下，給予政府較多時間和較大空間理順樓市，除了持續增加土地供應，確保發展商公平售樓以外，政府應該研議恢復定期制訂中長期房屋策略，以科學方式找出真正需求，然後制訂供應方案，定期賣地。只有房屋市場經常處於供求基本平衡，樓市才會健康合理發展，也才符合香港的最大利益。
Glossary
in earnest
more seriously and with more force or effortthan before.
latitude /'latItju:d/
freedom to choose what you do or the way thatyou do it.
ascertain /?as ?'teIn/
find out the true or correct information (onsomething).
2010年5月13日星期四
New tofu houses in Sichuan
TODAY is the second anniversary of theWenchuan quake. The disaster, whichclaimed about 90,000 lives, remains a greatsorrow of the Chinese nation.
In the wake of the quake, the mainland authoritiespledged that, to do right by the victims, they wouldthoroughly look into the tofu construction scandal. Onthe first anniversary of the earthquake, the Sichuangovernment concluded that victims had died of theforce majeure of the high-magnitude quake and nonehad died because of tofu construction. The mainlandauthorities have since vigorously repressed those whohave brought the tofu construction scandal to light. Theauthorities may think people should look forwardinstead of being entangled in the past. However,because they refuse to face the facts and punish thoseresponsible for tofu constructions, they cannot deterothers, and the problem remains uncured. Ourreporters have returned to the quake zone. There theyhave seen newly completed tofu houses.
They went to Shuangnian Village, Chenjiaba,Beicun, which is under Mianyang's jurisdiction. Theydiscovered that some new houses the local authoritiesand contractors had built there were not safe in normalcircumstances, even less in an earthquake. Aboutthirty two-storey houses have been built in the village.Each storey is 90 square metres in area. One suchhouse costs about 140,000 yuan. The householdseach received a subsidy of 19,000 yuan at most fromthe local government. They had to raise the rest.Without collateral, they each obtained a bank loan of60,000 yuan at most. They had to borrow the rest fromtheir friends and relatives.
After they had returned to Hong Kong, ourreporters showed some pictures they had taken ofhouses there to two experts who are members of theHong Kong Institute of Engineers. Both wereconvinced that those houses were tofu constructions.They said their pillar bases were so shaky that theywere in danger of collapse even when no earthquakethreatened. According to a conscionable Beicuncontractor, those who carry out reconstruction projectsmust follow an unwritten rule governing dealingsbetween corrupt officials and businesses. Someofficials demand a kickback of at least severalthousand yuan for a one-million-yuan contract.Companies awarded reconstruction contracts scampwork and stint material so that their profit margins areas high as 40% . "Thus quake victims' hard-earnedmoney becomes lethal tofu houses!"
Shuangnian Village, Chenjiaba, is to the hugequake-stricken area what a drop is to the ocean. Wehope its tofu constructions are isolated cases.However, the alarming information our reportersgathered during their short trip (including what somecontractors told them) has made us aware that caseslike those in Shuangnian Village are by no means rare.New houses shoddily built with inferior material aboundin the quake-stricken area.
The central government requires local authoritiesto put quality first and be concerned about people'ssafety. There is no doubt about that. However, itcannot prevent official-business collusion or detercontractors from building shoddy houses. In our view,this is the case not only because local officials are vilebut also because none has been held responsiblethough many fell victim to tofu constructions two yearsago in the earthquake. This may have led local officialsto believe there is nothing the central government cando as long as all take bribes and tofu houses are foundeverywhere. If the generality of officials in thequake-stricken area think so, we can only prey for thesafety of those who live there.
There are new tofu houses in the quake-strickenarea. There is nothing the SAR government can doabout it. We can only ask it to do its bit - to make surethat the reconstruction projects it sponsors are of highquality and that they are carried out in a highlytransparent manner. It must not allow any reconstructionproject Hong Kong sponsors to become lethal.
川震重建又有豆腐渣質量重如山只是口號？
今日是四川汶川大地震兩周年，這場奪去約9 萬名同胞性命的災難，至今仍然是民族的大傷痛。
大地震發生之後，內地政府曾經承諾徹查豆腐渣工程，還死者一個公道，但是在地震1 周年之際，四川當局已經有了結論，認為災難主要因為「高強度地震的不可抗力」、「沒有人死於豆腐渣工程」。此後強力打壓民間揭發豆腐渣工程。當局或許認為民衆應該向前看，不要糾纏於過去，但是當局不肯面對事實，不懲治豆腐渣工程的人應得之罪，就無法收懲前毖後，治病救人之效。本報記者今次重返災區，就發現重建中有豆腐渣工程。
記者在地震重災區綿陽市轄下北川鎮陳家壩雙埝村，發現當地政府與施工商重建的樓房，不要說遇到大地震，就算平時也有安全問題。據記者採訪所得，該村重建約30 間雙層樓房，每層面積約90 方米，售價每間約需14 萬元。當地政府每間補助最多1.9 萬元，居民要自行籌措其他費用，由於沒有抵押，居民最多只得到銀行6萬元貸款，其餘不足之數要向親友借貸。
回港後，記者把拍攝得的樓房照片給香港工程師學會2 名專家研判，兩人一致認定這些樓房是豆腐渣，認為樓房連柱底都建得不穩，毋須地震也可能有倒塌危險。北川一名良心建築商則聲稱，災區重建受制於官商勾結的貪腐「潛規則」，部分政府外判百萬工程至少要求回佣數萬元，建築商接工程後再偷工減料，利潤高達40%， 「災民的血汗錢就是這樣變成要命的豆腐渣」。
陳家壩雙埝村在偌大的災區，只是滄海一粟，它的豆腐渣樓房，我們希望只是重建中的孤例。可是在短短的採訪過程中，包括來自個別施工商的信息，使我們驚覺到陳家壩雙埝村的個案，並非個別事件，災區重建偷工減料情况相當普遍。
中央對於重建要求質量為先，以人民生命安全為念，完全不用置疑，卻阻止不了地方上官商勾結，偷工減料；我們認為，除了地方官員的劣根性，兩年前大地震豆腐渣工程害了這麼多人，卻無任何人需要負責，對此，地方官員可能解讀為：只要大家都貪，造成豆腐渣工程遍地開花的既定事實，則中央最終也無可奈何。如果這是災區地方官員的普遍「認知」，則我們只能為災區居民的安危祈禱了。
特區政府對於災區重建出現豆腐渣工程，無旋轉乾坤之力，我們只能要求特區政府做好本分，於援建項目做好質量把關工夫，以重質重量、高度透明的方式全面落實，絕對不能出現有朝一日，香港援建的項目成為殺人項目的情况。
Glossary
sorrow
cause of sorrow.
force majeure /?f ɔ:s ma'??:(r)/irresistible compulsion or coercion.
scamp /skamp/
do in a perfunctory or inadequate way.
In the wake of the quake, the mainland authoritiespledged that, to do right by the victims, they wouldthoroughly look into the tofu construction scandal. Onthe first anniversary of the earthquake, the Sichuangovernment concluded that victims had died of theforce majeure of the high-magnitude quake and nonehad died because of tofu construction. The mainlandauthorities have since vigorously repressed those whohave brought the tofu construction scandal to light. Theauthorities may think people should look forwardinstead of being entangled in the past. However,because they refuse to face the facts and punish thoseresponsible for tofu constructions, they cannot deterothers, and the problem remains uncured. Ourreporters have returned to the quake zone. There theyhave seen newly completed tofu houses.
They went to Shuangnian Village, Chenjiaba,Beicun, which is under Mianyang's jurisdiction. Theydiscovered that some new houses the local authoritiesand contractors had built there were not safe in normalcircumstances, even less in an earthquake. Aboutthirty two-storey houses have been built in the village.Each storey is 90 square metres in area. One suchhouse costs about 140,000 yuan. The householdseach received a subsidy of 19,000 yuan at most fromthe local government. They had to raise the rest.Without collateral, they each obtained a bank loan of60,000 yuan at most. They had to borrow the rest fromtheir friends and relatives.
After they had returned to Hong Kong, ourreporters showed some pictures they had taken ofhouses there to two experts who are members of theHong Kong Institute of Engineers. Both wereconvinced that those houses were tofu constructions.They said their pillar bases were so shaky that theywere in danger of collapse even when no earthquakethreatened. According to a conscionable Beicuncontractor, those who carry out reconstruction projectsmust follow an unwritten rule governing dealingsbetween corrupt officials and businesses. Someofficials demand a kickback of at least severalthousand yuan for a one-million-yuan contract.Companies awarded reconstruction contracts scampwork and stint material so that their profit margins areas high as 40% . "Thus quake victims' hard-earnedmoney becomes lethal tofu houses!"
Shuangnian Village, Chenjiaba, is to the hugequake-stricken area what a drop is to the ocean. Wehope its tofu constructions are isolated cases.However, the alarming information our reportersgathered during their short trip (including what somecontractors told them) has made us aware that caseslike those in Shuangnian Village are by no means rare.New houses shoddily built with inferior material aboundin the quake-stricken area.
The central government requires local authoritiesto put quality first and be concerned about people'ssafety. There is no doubt about that. However, itcannot prevent official-business collusion or detercontractors from building shoddy houses. In our view,this is the case not only because local officials are vilebut also because none has been held responsiblethough many fell victim to tofu constructions two yearsago in the earthquake. This may have led local officialsto believe there is nothing the central government cando as long as all take bribes and tofu houses are foundeverywhere. If the generality of officials in thequake-stricken area think so, we can only prey for thesafety of those who live there.
There are new tofu houses in the quake-strickenarea. There is nothing the SAR government can doabout it. We can only ask it to do its bit - to make surethat the reconstruction projects it sponsors are of highquality and that they are carried out in a highlytransparent manner. It must not allow any reconstructionproject Hong Kong sponsors to become lethal.
川震重建又有豆腐渣質量重如山只是口號？
今日是四川汶川大地震兩周年，這場奪去約9 萬名同胞性命的災難，至今仍然是民族的大傷痛。
大地震發生之後，內地政府曾經承諾徹查豆腐渣工程，還死者一個公道，但是在地震1 周年之際，四川當局已經有了結論，認為災難主要因為「高強度地震的不可抗力」、「沒有人死於豆腐渣工程」。此後強力打壓民間揭發豆腐渣工程。當局或許認為民衆應該向前看，不要糾纏於過去，但是當局不肯面對事實，不懲治豆腐渣工程的人應得之罪，就無法收懲前毖後，治病救人之效。本報記者今次重返災區，就發現重建中有豆腐渣工程。
記者在地震重災區綿陽市轄下北川鎮陳家壩雙埝村，發現當地政府與施工商重建的樓房，不要說遇到大地震，就算平時也有安全問題。據記者採訪所得，該村重建約30 間雙層樓房，每層面積約90 方米，售價每間約需14 萬元。當地政府每間補助最多1.9 萬元，居民要自行籌措其他費用，由於沒有抵押，居民最多只得到銀行6萬元貸款，其餘不足之數要向親友借貸。
回港後，記者把拍攝得的樓房照片給香港工程師學會2 名專家研判，兩人一致認定這些樓房是豆腐渣，認為樓房連柱底都建得不穩，毋須地震也可能有倒塌危險。北川一名良心建築商則聲稱，災區重建受制於官商勾結的貪腐「潛規則」，部分政府外判百萬工程至少要求回佣數萬元，建築商接工程後再偷工減料，利潤高達40%， 「災民的血汗錢就是這樣變成要命的豆腐渣」。
陳家壩雙埝村在偌大的災區，只是滄海一粟，它的豆腐渣樓房，我們希望只是重建中的孤例。可是在短短的採訪過程中，包括來自個別施工商的信息，使我們驚覺到陳家壩雙埝村的個案，並非個別事件，災區重建偷工減料情况相當普遍。
中央對於重建要求質量為先，以人民生命安全為念，完全不用置疑，卻阻止不了地方上官商勾結，偷工減料；我們認為，除了地方官員的劣根性，兩年前大地震豆腐渣工程害了這麼多人，卻無任何人需要負責，對此，地方官員可能解讀為：只要大家都貪，造成豆腐渣工程遍地開花的既定事實，則中央最終也無可奈何。如果這是災區地方官員的普遍「認知」，則我們只能為災區居民的安危祈禱了。
特區政府對於災區重建出現豆腐渣工程，無旋轉乾坤之力，我們只能要求特區政府做好本分，於援建項目做好質量把關工夫，以重質重量、高度透明的方式全面落實，絕對不能出現有朝一日，香港援建的項目成為殺人項目的情况。
Glossary
sorrow
cause of sorrow.
force majeure /?f ɔ:s ma'??:(r)/irresistible compulsion or coercion.
scamp /skamp/
do in a perfunctory or inadequate way.
2010年5月12日星期三
forget
讀者Carmen 來電郵問有關forget 這個字的tense，她說如果「這一刻」忘記了一些事，實際上是「已經」忘記了，是否都要說︰ I've forgotten或I forgot， 而不可說Iforget something？
Fai (english@mingpao.com)Have you any questions about English usage?Don't hesitate to send them to us!
(1) Carmen 說得對，記起忘了什麼的時候，忘的早就忘了，所以說I've forgotten 或I forgot，肯定是對的。但在實際情形，也有人說I forget，這是習非成是。
(2) 有時候提到習慣性的善忘，又另當別論。譬如太太抱怨先生常常忘記結婚紀念日，就會說︰ 「He always forgetsour wedding anniversary.」
(3) 其實，think這個動詞很多時候也會用過去式。看到聽到什麼有趣的東西，要跟友好分享，我們會說︰ 「I thought youmight find this interesting」、「I thought you might likethis」，不說「I think you may find this interesting」、「Ithink you may like this」，原因跟tense 無關，反而跟mood有關。這個說來話長，留待有機會再介紹。
Fai (english@mingpao.com)Have you any questions about English usage?Don't hesitate to send them to us!
(1) Carmen 說得對，記起忘了什麼的時候，忘的早就忘了，所以說I've forgotten 或I forgot，肯定是對的。但在實際情形，也有人說I forget，這是習非成是。
(2) 有時候提到習慣性的善忘，又另當別論。譬如太太抱怨先生常常忘記結婚紀念日，就會說︰ 「He always forgetsour wedding anniversary.」
(3) 其實，think這個動詞很多時候也會用過去式。看到聽到什麼有趣的東西，要跟友好分享，我們會說︰ 「I thought youmight find this interesting」、「I thought you might likethis」，不說「I think you may find this interesting」、「Ithink you may like this」，原因跟tense 無關，反而跟mood有關。這個說來話長，留待有機會再介紹。
A top chef glossary
Catch Top Chef 5 every Monday and Tuesday at 9pm onSony Entertainment Television(nowTV 514, bbTV 310, TVB PayVision Ch 21)
Top Chef 5 is a reality show in which 17 chef-testants competeto survive the weekly chopping blocks and choosy palates (味覺) tobe the Top Chef in New York. Found yourself scratching your headwhile watching chefs and judges babble on about sous-vide this?High-level cooking has its own special language that might seemmysterious-until now.
Sous-vide (soo-VEED, 真空烹調)
Literally "under vacuum" in French, it is amethod of cooking food in vacuum-sealedplastic bags submerged ( 浸) in a bath ofwater at a carefully-maintained temperature.
Chiffonade (shiff-on-AHD, 細切蔬菜)
To cut leafy greens or herbs into very thinribbons. To chiffonade basil, for example, stackthe leaves, roll them into a tight cigar-like roll,and cut across the roll into thin strips.
Blanch (飛水、出水)
To cook, usually very briefly, in boiling water.Vegetables are often blanched to loosen theirskins for peeling.
Offal (OFF-uhl, 雜肉、動物內臟)
Also known as "variety meats", the organs,glands (腺), tail, feet, snout, tongue and otherparts of the animal that are today relativelyuncommon in Western kitchens.
Purée (煮爛、過濾或製漿的食物)
To chop or marsh a food until it achieves asmooth, uniform consistency.
Al dente (al-DEN-tay, 彈牙的)
Literally "to the tooth" in Italian. It describesfood, most commonly pasta or rice, that iscooked through but still firm, offering slightresistance when chewed, and not soft ormushy (柔軟、糊狀) at all.
Top ChefGIVEAWAY
Top Chef 5 is now giving away 5copies of Julia Child's My Life inFrance to Ming Paoreaders, simply sendyour name andaddress to:Top Chef giveaway,English Page, 15/F,Block A,Ming Pao IndustrialCentre,18 Ka Yip Street,Chai Wan.
Top Chef 5 is a reality show in which 17 chef-testants competeto survive the weekly chopping blocks and choosy palates (味覺) tobe the Top Chef in New York. Found yourself scratching your headwhile watching chefs and judges babble on about sous-vide this?High-level cooking has its own special language that might seemmysterious-until now.
Sous-vide (soo-VEED, 真空烹調)
Literally "under vacuum" in French, it is amethod of cooking food in vacuum-sealedplastic bags submerged ( 浸) in a bath ofwater at a carefully-maintained temperature.
Chiffonade (shiff-on-AHD, 細切蔬菜)
To cut leafy greens or herbs into very thinribbons. To chiffonade basil, for example, stackthe leaves, roll them into a tight cigar-like roll,and cut across the roll into thin strips.
Blanch (飛水、出水)
To cook, usually very briefly, in boiling water.Vegetables are often blanched to loosen theirskins for peeling.
Offal (OFF-uhl, 雜肉、動物內臟)
Also known as "variety meats", the organs,glands (腺), tail, feet, snout, tongue and otherparts of the animal that are today relativelyuncommon in Western kitchens.
Purée (煮爛、過濾或製漿的食物)
To chop or marsh a food until it achieves asmooth, uniform consistency.
Al dente (al-DEN-tay, 彈牙的)
Literally "to the tooth" in Italian. It describesfood, most commonly pasta or rice, that iscooked through but still firm, offering slightresistance when chewed, and not soft ormushy (柔軟、糊狀) at all.
Top ChefGIVEAWAY
Top Chef 5 is now giving away 5copies of Julia Child's My Life inFrance to Ming Paoreaders, simply sendyour name andaddress to:Top Chef giveaway,English Page, 15/F,Block A,Ming Pao IndustrialCentre,18 Ka Yip Street,Chai Wan.
Gap year
The mention of the two words gapyear brings about dropped jaws andstunned glances amongst most HongKong parents. The mentality of atypical Hong Kong family would smirkat this absurd ( 可笑的) idea, because,of course, why would anyone waste ayear travelling instead of going touniversity immediately?
We need to repel the perception thatgap years are for people who couldn'tget into university or have "failed".
Most of us make the decision to take ayear out for various reasons-abreak from education, to prepareoneself for university, to travel and seethe world, to broaden our horizons, tolearn something new, to really decidewhere our future lies, etc. Forwhatever reason it may be, a "gappie"ends the year, if planned well, with agreat deal more worldly knowledgeand experience than someone whohas leaped straight from school touniversity. In a way, it is a long-terminvestment where immediate benefitsmay be difficult to see, but it can reallychange one's perception of life.
Gap years aren't for everyone, andnot everyone tackily "discoversthemselves" in a mere year, but theydo open the eyes of many, and indeed,enhance their future prospects in duecourse. With experience of working inthe real world, travelling to the end ofthe Earth, exploring new and uniqueinterests, helping with charitableorganisations... most gappies feel likethey've learnt more in a year than intheir life duration of education. Soperhaps Hong Kong should warm tothe idea of students entering the"University of Life" for a year. Needlessto say, what parents would honestlywant their children to miss out on aonce-in-a-lifetime experience?
Writer's Profile
An unconventional boarding school-educatedgap year student who is about to study atOxford University.
We need to repel the perception thatgap years are for people who couldn'tget into university or have "failed".
Most of us make the decision to take ayear out for various reasons-abreak from education, to prepareoneself for university, to travel and seethe world, to broaden our horizons, tolearn something new, to really decidewhere our future lies, etc. Forwhatever reason it may be, a "gappie"ends the year, if planned well, with agreat deal more worldly knowledgeand experience than someone whohas leaped straight from school touniversity. In a way, it is a long-terminvestment where immediate benefitsmay be difficult to see, but it can reallychange one's perception of life.
Gap years aren't for everyone, andnot everyone tackily "discoversthemselves" in a mere year, but theydo open the eyes of many, and indeed,enhance their future prospects in duecourse. With experience of working inthe real world, travelling to the end ofthe Earth, exploring new and uniqueinterests, helping with charitableorganisations... most gappies feel likethey've learnt more in a year than intheir life duration of education. Soperhaps Hong Kong should warm tothe idea of students entering the"University of Life" for a year. Needlessto say, what parents would honestlywant their children to miss out on aonce-in-a-lifetime experience?
Writer's Profile
An unconventional boarding school-educatedgap year student who is about to study atOxford University.
Striking proper balance between privacy and safety
HONG KONG has seen another mental patientstab his neighbours to death. Nevertheless,the scheme to help discharged mentalpatients to assimilate into the community deservessupport in principle, though the government shouldallocate more resources so that it can provide themwith better support.It is unrealistic to try to have every dischargedmental patient looked after by a community psychiatricnurse (CPN), but the government must set areasonable CPN CPN--patient ratio. It may have taken intoconsideration the employment of resources when itdecided to launch the scheme. However, economyshould not be its primary consideration, or it will pushpotentially dangerous mental patients to thecommunity. It is irresponsible to do so.
The suspect in the Kwai Shing East Estate tragedyhas rejected CPNs' regular home visits. HospitalAuthority chief executive Shane Solomon maintainsthat discharged mental patients, who are not criminals,have the right not to be visited at home. We could notagree with him. Mental illnesses can rarely be totallycured, and they must be kept under control withmedications. Former mental patients' personal freedommust be respected. However, they may be potentiallydangerous and home visitors can best observewhether their condition has worsened. Therefore, forthe sake of their neighbours' safety, it should not be upto them to decide whether to allow home visits. Tenyears ago, the suspect, a schizophrenic, stabbed hiswife. He was jailed for thirty thirty--two months. Evidently, itwas an indication of his worsened condition that hesuddenly rejected home visits.
It is clear from some cases that discharged mentalpatients may signal danger when they reject homevisits by CPNs or social workers.
A discharged mental patient's rejection of homevisits should not be dismissed as nothing serious. Thegovernment should put in place a mechanism forensuring that discharged mental patients are regularlyvisited at home so that problems can be prevented atthe outset. Violence Violence--prone discharged mental patientcannot control themselves if their condition worsens.Therefore, in dealing with them, it is necessary to strikea proper balance between respecting their rights andkeeping others safe. Strictly speaking, it is a measureto protect discharged mental patients to require themto be visited at home.
The suspect in the Kwai Shing East Estatetragedy is mentally ill. He was jailed for stabbinganother. After he had been released, the authoritiesbounteously allowed him to live in public rental housing(PRH). There are PRH tenants like him, and the SocialWelfare Department has information on them. In ourview, the government should consider having theSocial Welfare Department inform the HousingDepartment of such cases provided that it does notviolate the Personal Data (Privacy) Ordinance to do so.With such information, the Housing Department cantell estate officers to be more careful.
If there are too many fire walls betweengovernment departments, lack of basic informationmay make it hard to alert people to problems. TheKwai Shing East Estate tragedy once again showsthat, if government departments just mind their ownbusiness, it is citizens that will be harmed. We hopethey will better coordinate their efforts. Thegovernment should devote more resources to the careof discharged mental patients and set up such anotification mechanism so as to help them toassimilate into the community and to keep theirrelatives and neighbours safe.
明報社評2010.05.11
勿只顧私隱罔顧安全 設通報機制減少慘劇
本港又發生精神病人斬殺街坊鄰里事件，儘管如此，政府推行社區精神科計劃的原則，仍然值得支持，但必須多撥資源增加支援配套服務，協助精神病康復者融入社會。
要求每一名在社區康復者都有社康護士跟進，不切實際，但是當局須制訂合理的社康護士與病人比率。政府推行社區精神科計劃，不排除有資源運用的考慮；不過， 「節省資源」不應該是首要考慮，否則是政府把有潛在危險的精神病人推向社會，乃不負責任的做法。
今次葵盛東邨慘劇，疑兇曾經拒絕社康護士的定期家訪，醫管局行政總裁蘇利民認為精神病康復者並非犯人，有不接受家訪的權利。對於這個說法，我們不敢苟同。精神病難以根治，患者只能靠藥物等控制病情。因此， 精神病康復者的個人自由固然值得尊重，不過，若康復者有潛在危險，而家訪最能觀察其病况有否惡化，為了周遭鄰居安全，是否接受家訪，就不能由康復者說了算。10 年前，疑兇因為精神分裂，斬傷妻子前科，被法庭判囚32 個月，他「突然」拒絕家訪，現在看來是病情轉變的表徵。
從過去一些個案顯示，拒絕精神科社康護士或社工家訪，其實是康復者釋出的危險信號。
所以，若有精神病康復者拒絕家訪，不宜等閒視之，當局必須有機制確保康復者接受定期家訪，以收防微杜漸之效。事實上， 康復者的暴力傾向惡化至行動，他們也不能自制，所以，對有暴力前科和傾向精神病康復者的處理，必須在尊重其權利和其他市民的安危之間，取得適當平衡。嚴格而言，例如強制家訪也是保護康復者的步驟。
另外，類似葵盛東邨慘劇疑兇的人，有精神病，也有斬人、坐牢前科，出獄後獲恩恤安排入住公屋，他們的情况社會福利署應該知之，我們認為政府應該研究在符合私隱條例的前提下，社署宜把有關康復者的基本情况知會房屋署，再轉告管理公司人員多加留意。
部門之間太多「防火牆」，基本情况互不知會，容易出現信息不靈通以至無法及早預警的問題；今次葵盛東邨斬殺慘劇，再一次說明部門各自為政，受害的是市民大衆。我們希望部門之間加強協調、在適當增加資源和建立通報機制之後，一方面協助精神病康復者融入社會，另方面可以增加與康復者共處的親友、街坊、鄰居的安全系數。
Glossary
em employment ploymentuse.
economy
the use of the time, money etc available in away that avoids waste.
violence violence--prone
who is prone to violence (likely to use violence).
The suspect in the Kwai Shing East Estate tragedyhas rejected CPNs' regular home visits. HospitalAuthority chief executive Shane Solomon maintainsthat discharged mental patients, who are not criminals,have the right not to be visited at home. We could notagree with him. Mental illnesses can rarely be totallycured, and they must be kept under control withmedications. Former mental patients' personal freedommust be respected. However, they may be potentiallydangerous and home visitors can best observewhether their condition has worsened. Therefore, forthe sake of their neighbours' safety, it should not be upto them to decide whether to allow home visits. Tenyears ago, the suspect, a schizophrenic, stabbed hiswife. He was jailed for thirty thirty--two months. Evidently, itwas an indication of his worsened condition that hesuddenly rejected home visits.
It is clear from some cases that discharged mentalpatients may signal danger when they reject homevisits by CPNs or social workers.
A discharged mental patient's rejection of homevisits should not be dismissed as nothing serious. Thegovernment should put in place a mechanism forensuring that discharged mental patients are regularlyvisited at home so that problems can be prevented atthe outset. Violence Violence--prone discharged mental patientcannot control themselves if their condition worsens.Therefore, in dealing with them, it is necessary to strikea proper balance between respecting their rights andkeeping others safe. Strictly speaking, it is a measureto protect discharged mental patients to require themto be visited at home.
The suspect in the Kwai Shing East Estatetragedy is mentally ill. He was jailed for stabbinganother. After he had been released, the authoritiesbounteously allowed him to live in public rental housing(PRH). There are PRH tenants like him, and the SocialWelfare Department has information on them. In ourview, the government should consider having theSocial Welfare Department inform the HousingDepartment of such cases provided that it does notviolate the Personal Data (Privacy) Ordinance to do so.With such information, the Housing Department cantell estate officers to be more careful.
If there are too many fire walls betweengovernment departments, lack of basic informationmay make it hard to alert people to problems. TheKwai Shing East Estate tragedy once again showsthat, if government departments just mind their ownbusiness, it is citizens that will be harmed. We hopethey will better coordinate their efforts. Thegovernment should devote more resources to the careof discharged mental patients and set up such anotification mechanism so as to help them toassimilate into the community and to keep theirrelatives and neighbours safe.
明報社評2010.05.11
勿只顧私隱罔顧安全 設通報機制減少慘劇
本港又發生精神病人斬殺街坊鄰里事件，儘管如此，政府推行社區精神科計劃的原則，仍然值得支持，但必須多撥資源增加支援配套服務，協助精神病康復者融入社會。
要求每一名在社區康復者都有社康護士跟進，不切實際，但是當局須制訂合理的社康護士與病人比率。政府推行社區精神科計劃，不排除有資源運用的考慮；不過， 「節省資源」不應該是首要考慮，否則是政府把有潛在危險的精神病人推向社會，乃不負責任的做法。
今次葵盛東邨慘劇，疑兇曾經拒絕社康護士的定期家訪，醫管局行政總裁蘇利民認為精神病康復者並非犯人，有不接受家訪的權利。對於這個說法，我們不敢苟同。精神病難以根治，患者只能靠藥物等控制病情。因此， 精神病康復者的個人自由固然值得尊重，不過，若康復者有潛在危險，而家訪最能觀察其病况有否惡化，為了周遭鄰居安全，是否接受家訪，就不能由康復者說了算。10 年前，疑兇因為精神分裂，斬傷妻子前科，被法庭判囚32 個月，他「突然」拒絕家訪，現在看來是病情轉變的表徵。
從過去一些個案顯示，拒絕精神科社康護士或社工家訪，其實是康復者釋出的危險信號。
所以，若有精神病康復者拒絕家訪，不宜等閒視之，當局必須有機制確保康復者接受定期家訪，以收防微杜漸之效。事實上， 康復者的暴力傾向惡化至行動，他們也不能自制，所以，對有暴力前科和傾向精神病康復者的處理，必須在尊重其權利和其他市民的安危之間，取得適當平衡。嚴格而言，例如強制家訪也是保護康復者的步驟。
另外，類似葵盛東邨慘劇疑兇的人，有精神病，也有斬人、坐牢前科，出獄後獲恩恤安排入住公屋，他們的情况社會福利署應該知之，我們認為政府應該研究在符合私隱條例的前提下，社署宜把有關康復者的基本情况知會房屋署，再轉告管理公司人員多加留意。
部門之間太多「防火牆」，基本情况互不知會，容易出現信息不靈通以至無法及早預警的問題；今次葵盛東邨斬殺慘劇，再一次說明部門各自為政，受害的是市民大衆。我們希望部門之間加強協調、在適當增加資源和建立通報機制之後，一方面協助精神病康復者融入社會，另方面可以增加與康復者共處的親友、街坊、鄰居的安全系數。
Glossary
em employment ploymentuse.
economy
the use of the time, money etc available in away that avoids waste.
violence violence--prone
who is prone to violence (likely to use violence).
2010年5月11日星期二
Political choice
A Legislative Council by by--election takes place onMay 16. It is only a week away. Willpolitically politically--appointed officials (the ChiefExecutive, the three principal secretaries, thesecretaries, the undersecretaries and the politicalassistants) go to the polls? When he was asked thisquestion last Thursday during question time in thelegislative chamber, Donald Tsang refused to give astraight answer, saying only he would talk about it aftergiving it some thought. Because some legislators labelthe by by--election a de facto referendum, it is verydifferent from conventional ones. Political appointeesmay have reason to decide politically not to cast theirvotes in the by by--election.
Normally, going to the polls is neutral and involvesno political connotations connotations. That is why it is regarded as. a civic obligation. However, one will make a politicalstatement simply by going to the polls on May 16. Themove would connote a degree of support for the defacto referendum. A political appointee's decision notto vote in the by by--election is a political one. It wouldsignify his disapproval of the de facto referendum. Apolitical appointee who decides not to go to the pollswill not fail to discharge his civic obligation, still less seta bad example to children.
While one may disapprove of an official's politicaldecision in respect of the de facto referendum, oneought to respect it, just as one must respect one'srelative's wish not to go to the polls though one mayhave bitterly argued with him because he believes thede facto referendum is "anti anti--mainland" and will throwHong Kong into confusion.
The Chief Executive and his thirty thirty--threesecretaries and undersecretaries are politicalappointees. Just as establishmentarians supportestablishmentarian legislators, so they may have theirpolitical position on the de facto referendum. That is nocause for complaint. However, it is necessary to seewhether the political appointees' position would bringabout such pressure on civil servants (politicallyneutral) that they may refrain from exercising their civicright.
The Chief Executive said last Thursday inanswering a related question, "It is up to civil servantsto decide whether to go to the polls. No civil servantswill come under any pressure from the ChiefExecutive, and no such pressure will be exerted." Thismay be taken as a solemn pledge he has made to civilservants that the administration will not settle scoreswith them. If any civil servant who goes to the polls onMay 16 comes under pressure afterwards, he shouldimmediately report it.
Furthermore, the government's advertisementsabout the by by--election have aroused controversy.Unlike past advertisements, those the government putup late last April contain no Chinese or English slogantto urge voters to go to the polls. Nor do its televisiono and radio commercials tell citizens not to forget to doso.
As the government has made it clear that it willdischarge its constitutional obligation to hold theby by--election, it ought to remain completely neutral andpublicise it exactly as it did the past by by--elections. Itshould do neither more nor less and leave it to votersto decide if they should go to the polls.
If the government has decided against givingpublicity to the by by--election for political reasons, itshould make public its position in an open andaboveboard manner and leave it to society to judgewhether it is sensible for it to do so. It has now deletedslogans to urge voters to go to the polls in itsadvertisements. Doing so is like lurking in a darkcorner to make petty moves to discourage voters. Thatis improper.
明報英語網「雙語社評」english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
政治官員可以不投票補選廣告不可以搞小動作
距離55 月16 日立法會55 區補選投票日只有一星期，究竟政治官員（特首、司局長、副局長、政治助理），會否在補選投票？曾蔭權上周四在立法會答問會被問及有關問題時，拒絕表態，只說考慮後會作交代。這次補選被部分議員冠以「公投」的名義，與傳統的補選有很大分別，作為政治任命官員，作出政治決定拒絕投票，是其政治選擇，有其理據。
一般情况下，投票只是一個中立表述，沒有政治信息，因此才被視為公民責任；但在今次補選，單單前往投票本身就不再是政治中立，而是一種政治表態，代表對「變相公投」某程度上的支持。因此，即使官員選擇不投票，也是其政治選擇的一種，代表官員對「變相公投」不認同，並非什麼「不履行公民責任」，更不是什麼「教壞細路」。
官員對「變相公投」的政治選擇，公眾可以不同意，但應該尊重，正如你有親朋戚友狠批「變相公投」是反中亂港，你可以不同意，與他激辯，但必須尊重他拒絕投票的意願。
香港的特首司局長等34 人，全屬政治任命，自然對「變相公投」有政治取態，情况就如建制派成員支持建制派議員一樣，沒有什麼好投訴的。不過，要注意的是，政治官員的取態會否對政治中立的公務員構成壓力，使之不敢行使公民權利。
特首上周四回應相關提問時稱， 「投票是自己的決定，不會受到行政長官任何壓力，亦無這些壓力」，可解讀為向公務員作出了莊嚴的承諾，保證不會秋後算帳，因此，若有公務員在投票後受到壓力，應立即舉報。
除了官員會否投票外，政府就補選推出的廣告也引起爭議。政府在44 月底推出新一輪補選宣傳廣告，與過往的補選廣告比較，少了「請踴躍投票」的中英文字句，在電視電台播放的廣告也沒有了「記得去投票呀」的呼籲。
政府既然表明要履行憲制責任，舉辦補選，就應徹底保持中立，直接跟隨過去補選的宣傳程序， 「不增加不減少」，讓選民自行決定是否投票。
如果政府因為政治理由，拒絕為補選搞宣傳，大可明刀明槍，向公眾清楚交代，讓社會裁決政府的做法是否合理。如今在補選廣告中刪去「請踴躍投票」的字眼，猶如躲在暗角，閃閃縮縮，在小處「搞抵制」，並不恰當。
Glossary
connotation //kk nn ''te teII ʃʃ(()n/)that which is implied in addition to the primarymeaning.
take
understand, consider.lurk /l :k/:wait secretary, especially because you aregoing to do something bad.
Normally, going to the polls is neutral and involvesno political connotations connotations. That is why it is regarded as. a civic obligation. However, one will make a politicalstatement simply by going to the polls on May 16. Themove would connote a degree of support for the defacto referendum. A political appointee's decision notto vote in the by by--election is a political one. It wouldsignify his disapproval of the de facto referendum. Apolitical appointee who decides not to go to the pollswill not fail to discharge his civic obligation, still less seta bad example to children.
While one may disapprove of an official's politicaldecision in respect of the de facto referendum, oneought to respect it, just as one must respect one'srelative's wish not to go to the polls though one mayhave bitterly argued with him because he believes thede facto referendum is "anti anti--mainland" and will throwHong Kong into confusion.
The Chief Executive and his thirty thirty--threesecretaries and undersecretaries are politicalappointees. Just as establishmentarians supportestablishmentarian legislators, so they may have theirpolitical position on the de facto referendum. That is nocause for complaint. However, it is necessary to seewhether the political appointees' position would bringabout such pressure on civil servants (politicallyneutral) that they may refrain from exercising their civicright.
The Chief Executive said last Thursday inanswering a related question, "It is up to civil servantsto decide whether to go to the polls. No civil servantswill come under any pressure from the ChiefExecutive, and no such pressure will be exerted." Thismay be taken as a solemn pledge he has made to civilservants that the administration will not settle scoreswith them. If any civil servant who goes to the polls onMay 16 comes under pressure afterwards, he shouldimmediately report it.
Furthermore, the government's advertisementsabout the by by--election have aroused controversy.Unlike past advertisements, those the government putup late last April contain no Chinese or English slogantto urge voters to go to the polls. Nor do its televisiono and radio commercials tell citizens not to forget to doso.
As the government has made it clear that it willdischarge its constitutional obligation to hold theby by--election, it ought to remain completely neutral andpublicise it exactly as it did the past by by--elections. Itshould do neither more nor less and leave it to votersto decide if they should go to the polls.
If the government has decided against givingpublicity to the by by--election for political reasons, itshould make public its position in an open andaboveboard manner and leave it to society to judgewhether it is sensible for it to do so. It has now deletedslogans to urge voters to go to the polls in itsadvertisements. Doing so is like lurking in a darkcorner to make petty moves to discourage voters. Thatis improper.
明報英語網「雙語社評」english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
政治官員可以不投票補選廣告不可以搞小動作
距離55 月16 日立法會55 區補選投票日只有一星期，究竟政治官員（特首、司局長、副局長、政治助理），會否在補選投票？曾蔭權上周四在立法會答問會被問及有關問題時，拒絕表態，只說考慮後會作交代。這次補選被部分議員冠以「公投」的名義，與傳統的補選有很大分別，作為政治任命官員，作出政治決定拒絕投票，是其政治選擇，有其理據。
一般情况下，投票只是一個中立表述，沒有政治信息，因此才被視為公民責任；但在今次補選，單單前往投票本身就不再是政治中立，而是一種政治表態，代表對「變相公投」某程度上的支持。因此，即使官員選擇不投票，也是其政治選擇的一種，代表官員對「變相公投」不認同，並非什麼「不履行公民責任」，更不是什麼「教壞細路」。
官員對「變相公投」的政治選擇，公眾可以不同意，但應該尊重，正如你有親朋戚友狠批「變相公投」是反中亂港，你可以不同意，與他激辯，但必須尊重他拒絕投票的意願。
香港的特首司局長等34 人，全屬政治任命，自然對「變相公投」有政治取態，情况就如建制派成員支持建制派議員一樣，沒有什麼好投訴的。不過，要注意的是，政治官員的取態會否對政治中立的公務員構成壓力，使之不敢行使公民權利。
特首上周四回應相關提問時稱， 「投票是自己的決定，不會受到行政長官任何壓力，亦無這些壓力」，可解讀為向公務員作出了莊嚴的承諾，保證不會秋後算帳，因此，若有公務員在投票後受到壓力，應立即舉報。
除了官員會否投票外，政府就補選推出的廣告也引起爭議。政府在44 月底推出新一輪補選宣傳廣告，與過往的補選廣告比較，少了「請踴躍投票」的中英文字句，在電視電台播放的廣告也沒有了「記得去投票呀」的呼籲。
政府既然表明要履行憲制責任，舉辦補選，就應徹底保持中立，直接跟隨過去補選的宣傳程序， 「不增加不減少」，讓選民自行決定是否投票。
如果政府因為政治理由，拒絕為補選搞宣傳，大可明刀明槍，向公眾清楚交代，讓社會裁決政府的做法是否合理。如今在補選廣告中刪去「請踴躍投票」的字眼，猶如躲在暗角，閃閃縮縮，在小處「搞抵制」，並不恰當。
Glossary
connotation //kk nn ''te teII ʃʃ(()n/)that which is implied in addition to the primarymeaning.
take
understand, consider.lurk /l :k/:wait secretary, especially because you aregoing to do something bad.
2010年5月6日星期四
The One
The One
A 和B 一見鍾情（found love atfirst sight） 。他們交往不久便結婚（tied the knot），從此過着幸福快樂的生活（lived happily ever after） 。C 覺得跟D 的關係穩定（goingsteady） ， 決定求婚（to pop thequestion），誰料D 覺得C 不是理想對象（not his / her cup of tea）。透過兩句經典對白- 「問題在我，不在你。」（"It's not you, it's me."）和「你應有更好的。」（"You deservebetter."），C 不知不覺被拋棄了（gotdumped）。
E 懷孕（has a bun in the oven），要求F 負責任。雖然他們奉子成婚（had a shotgun marriage），但也成了患難與共的一對（a couple thatstuck together through thick andthin）。G 和H 習慣一夜情（one nightstand） 和沒約束的關係（casualrelationships）。每次被問起跟某某的關係時就答： 「我們只是玩玩而已。」（"He / She was just a fling."）。他們以為花花公子/ 公主（playboy /playgirl）這銜頭很瀟灑，但其實只是美化womaniser和man-eater的稱呼。I 和J 的婚姻乏味，兩者都以MBA（married but available）的身分發展婚外情（to play away fromhome），導致婚姻觸礁（put theirmarriage on the rocks）。雖然雙方曾考慮離開對方（consideredwalking out on each other），但結果決定嘗試修補關係（decided totry and patch things up） 。K 和L在極速約會（speed date）邂逅，一拍即合（they really hit it off）。翌日， K 鼓起勇氣約會L （to askhim/her out on a date）…
相信這些情節在大家的生活也出現過，問題在於你是當中的主角還是旁觀者。很多人說： 「愛是犧牲和妥協」（Love is sacrifice andcompromise），但這種說法帶消極的含意，還是「愛是諒解和無私」（Love is understanding andselfless）比較正面吧！
A perfect MATCH
「異性相吸」（opposites attract）除了是物理學的定律，也能應用在愛情上。你們可以幫右面的動物找牠們的另一半嗎？順道猜猜牠們是什麼動物吧！
Answers
1. I (山羊); 2. J (豬); 3. B (鹿);4. A (牛); 5. C (鴨); 6. E (鵝);7. G (驢); 8. D (羊); 9. F (雞); 10. H (馬)
3S 女士的S 代表什麼？來港尋找另一半的油王又有什麼擇偶條件？ 切勿錯過香港電台電視節目《反斗英語》之「摩登媒人」。節目在5 月8 日（星期六）晚上7 時30 分於無綫翡翠台播出，港台網上廣播站（tv.rthk.org.hk）視像直播及提供重溫。
作者：高思哲
A 和B 一見鍾情（found love atfirst sight） 。他們交往不久便結婚（tied the knot），從此過着幸福快樂的生活（lived happily ever after） 。C 覺得跟D 的關係穩定（goingsteady） ， 決定求婚（to pop thequestion），誰料D 覺得C 不是理想對象（not his / her cup of tea）。透過兩句經典對白- 「問題在我，不在你。」（"It's not you, it's me."）和「你應有更好的。」（"You deservebetter."），C 不知不覺被拋棄了（gotdumped）。
E 懷孕（has a bun in the oven），要求F 負責任。雖然他們奉子成婚（had a shotgun marriage），但也成了患難與共的一對（a couple thatstuck together through thick andthin）。G 和H 習慣一夜情（one nightstand） 和沒約束的關係（casualrelationships）。每次被問起跟某某的關係時就答： 「我們只是玩玩而已。」（"He / She was just a fling."）。他們以為花花公子/ 公主（playboy /playgirl）這銜頭很瀟灑，但其實只是美化womaniser和man-eater的稱呼。I 和J 的婚姻乏味，兩者都以MBA（married but available）的身分發展婚外情（to play away fromhome），導致婚姻觸礁（put theirmarriage on the rocks）。雖然雙方曾考慮離開對方（consideredwalking out on each other），但結果決定嘗試修補關係（decided totry and patch things up） 。K 和L在極速約會（speed date）邂逅，一拍即合（they really hit it off）。翌日， K 鼓起勇氣約會L （to askhim/her out on a date）…
相信這些情節在大家的生活也出現過，問題在於你是當中的主角還是旁觀者。很多人說： 「愛是犧牲和妥協」（Love is sacrifice andcompromise），但這種說法帶消極的含意，還是「愛是諒解和無私」（Love is understanding andselfless）比較正面吧！
A perfect MATCH
「異性相吸」（opposites attract）除了是物理學的定律，也能應用在愛情上。你們可以幫右面的動物找牠們的另一半嗎？順道猜猜牠們是什麼動物吧！
Answers
1. I (山羊); 2. J (豬); 3. B (鹿);4. A (牛); 5. C (鴨); 6. E (鵝);7. G (驢); 8. D (羊); 9. F (雞); 10. H (馬)
3S 女士的S 代表什麼？來港尋找另一半的油王又有什麼擇偶條件？ 切勿錯過香港電台電視節目《反斗英語》之「摩登媒人」。節目在5 月8 日（星期六）晚上7 時30 分於無綫翡翠台播出，港台網上廣播站（tv.rthk.org.hk）視像直播及提供重溫。
作者：高思哲
Go Find a Psychic
It is Christmas Eve at Cafe Kinesis, a hapless (運氣不好的) coffee house in a sleepy country town.Once a year, an odd group of men gather togetherto review the year, exchange stories and blowoff steam. They are men of incredible psychicabilities, and yet are determined to keeptheir very underused talents secret.
When an affable ( 和藹可親的) andstarry-eyed television AD, Yone Sakurai(Masami Nagasawa, 長澤正美), is senton a mission to find some "real" psychics fora popular variety show, she arrives at thecafe disillusioned ( 理想破滅的) andfrustrated at having met only charlatans (騙子) and hoaxes (騙局) so far.
When the coffee housemen try to boosther spirits, she gradually begins to suspectsomething very different about them asthey go about trying to conceal the silliestuse of psychic power imaginable.
GIVEAWAY
Go Find A Psychic (《GO ! 尋找攣羹人》)is now giving away 10 tickets to Ming Paoreaders, simply send your name andaddress to: Go Find A Psychicgiveaway, English Page, 15/F,Block A, Ming Pao IndustrialCentre, 18 Ka Yip Street,Chai Wan.
When an affable ( 和藹可親的) andstarry-eyed television AD, Yone Sakurai(Masami Nagasawa, 長澤正美), is senton a mission to find some "real" psychics fora popular variety show, she arrives at thecafe disillusioned ( 理想破滅的) andfrustrated at having met only charlatans (騙子) and hoaxes (騙局) so far.
When the coffee housemen try to boosther spirits, she gradually begins to suspectsomething very different about them asthey go about trying to conceal the silliestuse of psychic power imaginable.
GIVEAWAY
Go Find A Psychic (《GO ! 尋找攣羹人》)is now giving away 10 tickets to Ming Paoreaders, simply send your name andaddress to: Go Find A Psychicgiveaway, English Page, 15/F,Block A, Ming Pao IndustrialCentre, 18 Ka Yip Street,Chai Wan.
You must be STRONG
Every morning when you wakeup, do you pause and think how youcan make your life better? Or howyou can make our planet a betterplace? Recently, there are more andmore natural disasters happeningon our planet. Is it our doing? TheXichuan earthquake happened in2008 but it still feels like yesterday.Coincidentally, 2008 also marks oneof the lowest points in my life. Butinstead of asking why, I channelledmy sadness and frustration intomusic. I decided to write a song forthose who are in need.
I wrote a song called You MustBe Strong. Big thanks to my friendJohnny Yim and ChessmanProduction, who made this songfor me free of charge. Weuploaded the music video onYouTube to share with theearthquake victims and also thosewho're going through hard times.
Recently, Qinghai has also gonethrough something similar. Over 400artists united and presented a charityshow "Artists 414 Fund Raising forQinghai Earthquake" (演藝界情繫玉樹關愛行動) for earthquake relief,asking everyone to give love andsupport to the victims over there.May God bless you all-youmust be strong!
I wrote a song called You MustBe Strong. Big thanks to my friendJohnny Yim and ChessmanProduction, who made this songfor me free of charge. Weuploaded the music video onYouTube to share with theearthquake victims and also thosewho're going through hard times.
Recently, Qinghai has also gonethrough something similar. Over 400artists united and presented a charityshow "Artists 414 Fund Raising forQinghai Earthquake" (演藝界情繫玉樹關愛行動) for earthquake relief,asking everyone to give love andsupport to the victims over there.May God bless you all-youmust be strong!
Case of great significance
FOUR parents of babies that have fallen victimto tainted Sanlu formula have taken theirclaims against Fonterra Brands (China), theHong Kong branch of Fonterra, a New Zealandcompany, to the Small Claims Tribunal in Hong Kong.
Babies that have fallen victim to Sanlu formula arefound throughout China. Many parents have sought tosue the company. However, the courts have passivelydealt with their applications or even thrown them out.No sooner had the scandal broken out than theauthorities of Hebei, where Sanlu was based,assembled lawyers from all parts of the province todissuade them from taking up Sanlu victims' cases.More than a hundred lawyers of twenty-two provinces,municipalities and prefectures have offered Sanluvictims legal assistance through the Open ConstitutionInitiative. Repeatedly suppressed by the authorities,the organisation is now defunct. Xu Zhiyong, a lawyerwho was its legal person representative, was oncetaken into custody.
Zhao Lianhai, a parent who has worked vigorouslytogether with other parents in fighting for their rightsand has founded the Home of the Kidney StoneBabies, is in an even sorrier plight. He was arrestedlast November. Last March, he was charged with"provoking a serious disturbance" and brought to trialin Beijing. The court has yet to rule on the case. If he isfound guilty, he may be jailed for a term not exceedingthree years. The day he appeared in court, his wifewas barred from the courtroom, and his five-year-oldson, all in tears, loudly cried, "Papa! Papa!" The scenewas very sad indeed. By describing the difficultiesparents of kidney stone babies have encountered insafeguarding their rights, we intend only to point outthat, if they continue to fight for their cause on themainland, what has happened to Zhao Lianhai willhappen to others. The four parents sought a new pathwhen they decided to bring their claims to the SmallClaims Tribunal in Hong Kong.
They have sued Fonterra's subsidiary in the SARfor damages because the company had a 43% stake inSanlu. Helen Clark, who was Prime Minister of NewZealand, revealed that Fonterra became aware inAugust 2008 that Sanlu formula was tainted but thelocal authorities had blocked a plan to recall theproduct. The scandal did not come to light until Clarklearned of the problem and directly contacted thecentral government of China in early September. Notuntil 11 September 2008 did the mainland authoritiesannounce a recall. It is on these grounds that the fourparents have put forward claims for HK$12,000 toHK$33,000 from Fonterra.
The Tribunal has yet to rule on the case. Theirsuccess would be of immense significance.
First, the precedent would allow all other parentsof babies that have fallen victim to Sanlu formula tomake their claims here. Second, parents of victimshave suffered repression on the mainland in assertingtheir rights. If Hong Kong's legal system gives themjustice, mainlanders will have a way of taking legalaction to protect their rights in Chinese territory.
Many state-owned and private mainlandbusinesses are listed in Hong Kong. Many of themhave Hong Kong subsidiaries. If the Tribunal finds forthe parents, victims or relatives of victims of anaccident (for example, a mining accident) involvingsuch a company may sue its subsidiary here fordamages. Will this be the case? This is why theparents' case is important and worth attention.
Mainlanders try to protect their rights, while themainland authorities are bent on maintaining stability.On the mainland, the need to maintain stabilityoverrides that to protect civil rights because laws arenot justly enforced and the law serves political needs.Under "one country, two systems", Hong Kong has anindependent system of law and justice. This is itsadvantage. It is what Hong Kong relies on to maintainits prosperity and stability. The fact that the parentshave come all the way to Hong Kong to sue Fonterrafor damages underscores the appeal of Hong Kong'srule of law. If the mainlanders succeed in assertingtheir rights, Hong Kong's system of law and justice willradiate influence to the mainland. This was probablybeyond Deng Xiaoping when he conceived the idea of"one country, two systems". One may say this wouldbe evidence of the vitality of "one country, twosystems".
明報社評 2010.05.05
三鹿毒奶索償案 香港成為內地人維權新途徑
4 名三鹿毒奶粉案受害嬰幼兒家長，入稟本港小額錢債審裁處，向三鹿集團第2 大股東、新西蘭恆天然集團在香港的分公司索償。
三鹿毒奶粉受害嬰幼兒遍佈全國，先後有不少家長在各地入稟法院，控告三鹿集團，但是法院都消極處理或不予受理。事件揭發之初，三鹿集團所在地的河北省當局第一時間召集全省律師開會，阻止當地律師代理受害者訴訟。全國22 個省市區逾百名律師，透過「公共利益同盟」給毒奶粉受害者提供法律幫助。現在組織幾經當局打壓，已經解散，其法人代表許志永律師一度被拘押。
至於受害嬰幼兒家長之一的趙連海，積極聯繫其他家長維權，組成「結石寶寶之家」，他的處境就更慘了。趙連海去年11 月被拘押，今年3 月底以「尋釁滋事」罪名在北京受審，迄今未宣判；若罪成，最高可判囚3年。當日趙連海受審，他的妻子不能到法庭旁聽，5 歲兒子在法庭外哭叫爸爸的情狀，使人動容。我們詳述毒奶粉受害家長維權行動之艱辛，只是要指出，他們若在內地繼續抗爭，趙連海的遭遇將不是孤例。所以，他們這次來港入稟審裁處索償，是另闢蹊徑。
家長入稟控告新西蘭恆天然集團在香港的分公司，要求賠償，主要是恆天然擁有三鹿43%股權，而新西蘭總理克拉克曾透露2008 年8 月初恆天然集團得知三鹿奶粉有問題，但是地方當局阻撓回收，克拉克9 月初得知事態，直接與北京中央政府接觸，事件才揭發。到9 月11日，內地才宣布回收三鹿奶粉。4 名家長基於這種情况，入稟向恆天然集團索取1.2 萬至3.3 萬元賠償。
此案尚待審裁官判決，家長若申索成功，意義重大。首先是三鹿毒奶粉其他受害者，都可以援引來港申索。另外，受害者家長在內地維權處處碰壁，遭到打壓；如果香港的法制可以給他們得到公道，對於內地人士而言，不啻在中國領土範圍內，找到一條可循法律手段維權的途徑。
現在內地許多國企和民企來港上市集資，他們在本港都有港人代表和業務，三鹿受害者家長在港若勝訴，這些國企和民企的業務若在內地出事（例如煤礦事故等），理論上，遇事者或其家屬就可以來港循民事程序，向出事國企或民企在港的公司索償。事態會否如此演變，正是此案重要和值得關注之處。
內地人士設法維權，官方致力維穩，維權不敵維穩，主要是執法不公，法律為政治服務；香港實行「一國兩制」，獨立公正的法律和司法體制是香港的優勢，也是香港維持繁榮穩定之所賴。三鹿毒奶粉案受害者家長不辭跋涉來港申索，突顯了香港法治制度的吸引力，如果內地人士維權創下成功先例，則香港的法制、法治輻射內地，這大概超逾了當年鄧小平構思「一國兩制」時的想像，可以理解為「一國兩制」具有生命力的事例。
Glossary
override /??ʊv ?'raId/be more important than.
underscore /??nd ?'sk ɔ:(r)/show (something) to be true.
beyond
If something is beyond a person, it isimpossible for the person to imagine,understand or do it.
Babies that have fallen victim to Sanlu formula arefound throughout China. Many parents have sought tosue the company. However, the courts have passivelydealt with their applications or even thrown them out.No sooner had the scandal broken out than theauthorities of Hebei, where Sanlu was based,assembled lawyers from all parts of the province todissuade them from taking up Sanlu victims' cases.More than a hundred lawyers of twenty-two provinces,municipalities and prefectures have offered Sanluvictims legal assistance through the Open ConstitutionInitiative. Repeatedly suppressed by the authorities,the organisation is now defunct. Xu Zhiyong, a lawyerwho was its legal person representative, was oncetaken into custody.
Zhao Lianhai, a parent who has worked vigorouslytogether with other parents in fighting for their rightsand has founded the Home of the Kidney StoneBabies, is in an even sorrier plight. He was arrestedlast November. Last March, he was charged with"provoking a serious disturbance" and brought to trialin Beijing. The court has yet to rule on the case. If he isfound guilty, he may be jailed for a term not exceedingthree years. The day he appeared in court, his wifewas barred from the courtroom, and his five-year-oldson, all in tears, loudly cried, "Papa! Papa!" The scenewas very sad indeed. By describing the difficultiesparents of kidney stone babies have encountered insafeguarding their rights, we intend only to point outthat, if they continue to fight for their cause on themainland, what has happened to Zhao Lianhai willhappen to others. The four parents sought a new pathwhen they decided to bring their claims to the SmallClaims Tribunal in Hong Kong.
They have sued Fonterra's subsidiary in the SARfor damages because the company had a 43% stake inSanlu. Helen Clark, who was Prime Minister of NewZealand, revealed that Fonterra became aware inAugust 2008 that Sanlu formula was tainted but thelocal authorities had blocked a plan to recall theproduct. The scandal did not come to light until Clarklearned of the problem and directly contacted thecentral government of China in early September. Notuntil 11 September 2008 did the mainland authoritiesannounce a recall. It is on these grounds that the fourparents have put forward claims for HK$12,000 toHK$33,000 from Fonterra.
The Tribunal has yet to rule on the case. Theirsuccess would be of immense significance.
First, the precedent would allow all other parentsof babies that have fallen victim to Sanlu formula tomake their claims here. Second, parents of victimshave suffered repression on the mainland in assertingtheir rights. If Hong Kong's legal system gives themjustice, mainlanders will have a way of taking legalaction to protect their rights in Chinese territory.
Many state-owned and private mainlandbusinesses are listed in Hong Kong. Many of themhave Hong Kong subsidiaries. If the Tribunal finds forthe parents, victims or relatives of victims of anaccident (for example, a mining accident) involvingsuch a company may sue its subsidiary here fordamages. Will this be the case? This is why theparents' case is important and worth attention.
Mainlanders try to protect their rights, while themainland authorities are bent on maintaining stability.On the mainland, the need to maintain stabilityoverrides that to protect civil rights because laws arenot justly enforced and the law serves political needs.Under "one country, two systems", Hong Kong has anindependent system of law and justice. This is itsadvantage. It is what Hong Kong relies on to maintainits prosperity and stability. The fact that the parentshave come all the way to Hong Kong to sue Fonterrafor damages underscores the appeal of Hong Kong'srule of law. If the mainlanders succeed in assertingtheir rights, Hong Kong's system of law and justice willradiate influence to the mainland. This was probablybeyond Deng Xiaoping when he conceived the idea of"one country, two systems". One may say this wouldbe evidence of the vitality of "one country, twosystems".
明報社評 2010.05.05
三鹿毒奶索償案 香港成為內地人維權新途徑
4 名三鹿毒奶粉案受害嬰幼兒家長，入稟本港小額錢債審裁處，向三鹿集團第2 大股東、新西蘭恆天然集團在香港的分公司索償。
三鹿毒奶粉受害嬰幼兒遍佈全國，先後有不少家長在各地入稟法院，控告三鹿集團，但是法院都消極處理或不予受理。事件揭發之初，三鹿集團所在地的河北省當局第一時間召集全省律師開會，阻止當地律師代理受害者訴訟。全國22 個省市區逾百名律師，透過「公共利益同盟」給毒奶粉受害者提供法律幫助。現在組織幾經當局打壓，已經解散，其法人代表許志永律師一度被拘押。
至於受害嬰幼兒家長之一的趙連海，積極聯繫其他家長維權，組成「結石寶寶之家」，他的處境就更慘了。趙連海去年11 月被拘押，今年3 月底以「尋釁滋事」罪名在北京受審，迄今未宣判；若罪成，最高可判囚3年。當日趙連海受審，他的妻子不能到法庭旁聽，5 歲兒子在法庭外哭叫爸爸的情狀，使人動容。我們詳述毒奶粉受害家長維權行動之艱辛，只是要指出，他們若在內地繼續抗爭，趙連海的遭遇將不是孤例。所以，他們這次來港入稟審裁處索償，是另闢蹊徑。
家長入稟控告新西蘭恆天然集團在香港的分公司，要求賠償，主要是恆天然擁有三鹿43%股權，而新西蘭總理克拉克曾透露2008 年8 月初恆天然集團得知三鹿奶粉有問題，但是地方當局阻撓回收，克拉克9 月初得知事態，直接與北京中央政府接觸，事件才揭發。到9 月11日，內地才宣布回收三鹿奶粉。4 名家長基於這種情况，入稟向恆天然集團索取1.2 萬至3.3 萬元賠償。
此案尚待審裁官判決，家長若申索成功，意義重大。首先是三鹿毒奶粉其他受害者，都可以援引來港申索。另外，受害者家長在內地維權處處碰壁，遭到打壓；如果香港的法制可以給他們得到公道，對於內地人士而言，不啻在中國領土範圍內，找到一條可循法律手段維權的途徑。
現在內地許多國企和民企來港上市集資，他們在本港都有港人代表和業務，三鹿受害者家長在港若勝訴，這些國企和民企的業務若在內地出事（例如煤礦事故等），理論上，遇事者或其家屬就可以來港循民事程序，向出事國企或民企在港的公司索償。事態會否如此演變，正是此案重要和值得關注之處。
內地人士設法維權，官方致力維穩，維權不敵維穩，主要是執法不公，法律為政治服務；香港實行「一國兩制」，獨立公正的法律和司法體制是香港的優勢，也是香港維持繁榮穩定之所賴。三鹿毒奶粉案受害者家長不辭跋涉來港申索，突顯了香港法治制度的吸引力，如果內地人士維權創下成功先例，則香港的法制、法治輻射內地，這大概超逾了當年鄧小平構思「一國兩制」時的想像，可以理解為「一國兩制」具有生命力的事例。
Glossary
override /??ʊv ?'raId/be more important than.
underscore /??nd ?'sk ɔ:(r)/show (something) to be true.
beyond
If something is beyond a person, it isimpossible for the person to imagine,understand or do it.
2010年5月5日星期三
China should win respect with Expo
OVER the years, as its economy has boomed,China has quickly become much morepowerful. Now it has greater and greater sayin international affairs. However, generally speaking,China is just like a nouveau riche in many foreigneyes. It has yet to earn the respect it deserves. Thereare many reasons. For example, its political system isnot democratic, and it has very different values. Suchfactors are often rehearsed. We are not going todiscuss these big issues. It is clear from the chaos thathas been seen at World Expo 2010 since its trial runbegan that management is poor in China andmainlanders are of low quality. One may feel ashamedof it. China and Chinese people are still far from worthyof respect.
The aspect of World Expo 2010 that has givenpeople the deepest impression since it opened threedays ago is the scene of visitors rushing into the parkat 9 am. Large numbers of them dash into it. They thenpush at volunteers who hand out passes to the Chinapavilion. To get those passes, visitors, male or female,young or old, push and shove and hurl abuse at oneanother with stupefying ferocity. This is the waycitizens of the rising China behave. Foreign reportersand their Hong Kong counterparts have covered suchscenes for three days. Some Hong Kong reportershave noticed foreign reporters would smile at thechaos in sight. We may say their reports of mainlandvisitors fighting one another for passes would certainlydamage the Chinese nation's image.
Shanghai is a leading mainland city. Those whorun the Expo are no doubt the cream of mainlandofficialdom. Why have they no idea that tickets shouldbe queued for? Why have they allowed visitors to fightfor passes in uproar? That is very baffling indeed. Theorganisers must try to improve the situation as soon aspossible lest "ugly Chinese" should continue todisgrace themselves in front of the world.
Mainlanders would jump the queue or flout socialethics in other ways. Many have experienced theirrudeness. Mainland Expo visitors' behaviour, whichreporters have seen over the past few days, wouldimprove neither their own image nor the nation's. Forexample, many spots in the park have become theirresting places. Our reporters have seen them sit on theground as they please or just take off their shoes andlie on the ground using Expo maps as their mats. Theyjust do as they please regardless of what others maythink. Their behaviour is so unsightly and so impolitethat one hardly know how to begin to describe it.
This is the first time China has hosted a worldexpo. It is not possible to improve mainlanders'behaviour instantly so that they would be polite Expovisitors, nor is it realistic to try to do so. However, theorganisers should have regarded it as a challenge todeal with such visitors. They now have a goodopportunity to render the nation meritorious service.They must know very well how civil mainland peopleare and how things stand on the mainland. If theymake such satisfactory arrangements that visitors willsubconsciously behave themselves, Chinese people'snew mentality will present itself to the world. WorldExpo 2010 will last 180 more days. It is hoped that theorganisers will try hard with the public's support so thatthe Chinese people can by means of World Expo 2020change the world's established conceptions of themand win the respect they have longed for.
借世博會贏取尊重上海當局尚待努力
這些年隨著經濟騰飛，中國綜合國力迅速提升，在國際間話語權與日俱增，但是總的而言，中國在不少外國人眼中只是一個暴發戶，未能得到應有的尊重。個中原因很多，政治體制不夠民主、價值觀迥異等耳熟能詳，我們今日不探討這些大道理，只是由上海世博會試運行到正式開園所見種種亂象，中國的管理水平和國民質素之低落，使人感到「與有恥焉」。中國離值得尊重的大國、中國人離值得尊重之路，還很遙遠。
上海世博會開園3 日以來，最使人印象深刻者，是每日上午9 時遊人進場時的場面，但見大批遊人同時間狂奔，然後圍著派發中國館入場票的工作人員哄搶門票；遊人不分男女老嫩、相互叱罵、推撞、搶奪大混戰，戰況之激烈，使人看得目瞪口呆。這就是正在崛起的中國國民的表現。許多外國記者和香港記者一起採訪這一幕，由於昨日已經是第3 日混戰了，有香港記者注意到外國記者對眼前戰況 「咪咪嘴」訕笑。我們可以這樣說，透過外國記者報道搶門票這一幕，肯定挫損了中國和中國人的形象。
上海是內地的先進城市，管理世博的肯定是精英一族，他們怎麼連排隊派門票的概念也沒有，偏要製造哄搶場面，實在使人百思不得其解。管理當局必須儘快改善情況，不要讓「丑陋的中國人」繼續在世人面前丟架。
內地民衆插隊爭先，缺乏公德心等劣行，許多人都領教過，連日來記者在世博園區所見，民衆的行徑肯定未能為自己和中國的形象加分。例如，園區內許多空間都成為遊人的休憩處，記者所見，他們不管三七二十一，隨意席地而坐、鋪開園區地圖脫去鞋子就睡覺，不管觀瞻，不理儀態，一副我行我素的所為，使人不知道從何說起。
中國首次辦世博，要中國民衆一下子提升質素，做到「文明觀博」，不切實際也不可能，但是這樣的遊人質素，對於管理當局來說是挑戰、也是立功的大好機會。因為中國民衆的質素和「國情」，當局應該知之甚詳，以妥善的安排引導遊人，讓遊人不知不覺中守秩序、守規矩，果能如此，則中國和中國人的新精神面貌，就會呈現在世人面前。世博展期還有180 日，希望在管理當局努力、民衆配合下，中國和中國人透過世博扭轉世人的既定認知，贏得大家所渴求的尊重。
Glossary
nouveau riche /nu:v ʊ 'ri:ʃ/a person who has recently acquired wealth.abuse
insulting language.stupefy /'stju:pI faI/stun with astonishment.
The aspect of World Expo 2010 that has givenpeople the deepest impression since it opened threedays ago is the scene of visitors rushing into the parkat 9 am. Large numbers of them dash into it. They thenpush at volunteers who hand out passes to the Chinapavilion. To get those passes, visitors, male or female,young or old, push and shove and hurl abuse at oneanother with stupefying ferocity. This is the waycitizens of the rising China behave. Foreign reportersand their Hong Kong counterparts have covered suchscenes for three days. Some Hong Kong reportershave noticed foreign reporters would smile at thechaos in sight. We may say their reports of mainlandvisitors fighting one another for passes would certainlydamage the Chinese nation's image.
Shanghai is a leading mainland city. Those whorun the Expo are no doubt the cream of mainlandofficialdom. Why have they no idea that tickets shouldbe queued for? Why have they allowed visitors to fightfor passes in uproar? That is very baffling indeed. Theorganisers must try to improve the situation as soon aspossible lest "ugly Chinese" should continue todisgrace themselves in front of the world.
Mainlanders would jump the queue or flout socialethics in other ways. Many have experienced theirrudeness. Mainland Expo visitors' behaviour, whichreporters have seen over the past few days, wouldimprove neither their own image nor the nation's. Forexample, many spots in the park have become theirresting places. Our reporters have seen them sit on theground as they please or just take off their shoes andlie on the ground using Expo maps as their mats. Theyjust do as they please regardless of what others maythink. Their behaviour is so unsightly and so impolitethat one hardly know how to begin to describe it.
This is the first time China has hosted a worldexpo. It is not possible to improve mainlanders'behaviour instantly so that they would be polite Expovisitors, nor is it realistic to try to do so. However, theorganisers should have regarded it as a challenge todeal with such visitors. They now have a goodopportunity to render the nation meritorious service.They must know very well how civil mainland peopleare and how things stand on the mainland. If theymake such satisfactory arrangements that visitors willsubconsciously behave themselves, Chinese people'snew mentality will present itself to the world. WorldExpo 2010 will last 180 more days. It is hoped that theorganisers will try hard with the public's support so thatthe Chinese people can by means of World Expo 2020change the world's established conceptions of themand win the respect they have longed for.
借世博會贏取尊重上海當局尚待努力
這些年隨著經濟騰飛，中國綜合國力迅速提升，在國際間話語權與日俱增，但是總的而言，中國在不少外國人眼中只是一個暴發戶，未能得到應有的尊重。個中原因很多，政治體制不夠民主、價值觀迥異等耳熟能詳，我們今日不探討這些大道理，只是由上海世博會試運行到正式開園所見種種亂象，中國的管理水平和國民質素之低落，使人感到「與有恥焉」。中國離值得尊重的大國、中國人離值得尊重之路，還很遙遠。
上海世博會開園3 日以來，最使人印象深刻者，是每日上午9 時遊人進場時的場面，但見大批遊人同時間狂奔，然後圍著派發中國館入場票的工作人員哄搶門票；遊人不分男女老嫩、相互叱罵、推撞、搶奪大混戰，戰況之激烈，使人看得目瞪口呆。這就是正在崛起的中國國民的表現。許多外國記者和香港記者一起採訪這一幕，由於昨日已經是第3 日混戰了，有香港記者注意到外國記者對眼前戰況 「咪咪嘴」訕笑。我們可以這樣說，透過外國記者報道搶門票這一幕，肯定挫損了中國和中國人的形象。
上海是內地的先進城市，管理世博的肯定是精英一族，他們怎麼連排隊派門票的概念也沒有，偏要製造哄搶場面，實在使人百思不得其解。管理當局必須儘快改善情況，不要讓「丑陋的中國人」繼續在世人面前丟架。
內地民衆插隊爭先，缺乏公德心等劣行，許多人都領教過，連日來記者在世博園區所見，民衆的行徑肯定未能為自己和中國的形象加分。例如，園區內許多空間都成為遊人的休憩處，記者所見，他們不管三七二十一，隨意席地而坐、鋪開園區地圖脫去鞋子就睡覺，不管觀瞻，不理儀態，一副我行我素的所為，使人不知道從何說起。
中國首次辦世博，要中國民衆一下子提升質素，做到「文明觀博」，不切實際也不可能，但是這樣的遊人質素，對於管理當局來說是挑戰、也是立功的大好機會。因為中國民衆的質素和「國情」，當局應該知之甚詳，以妥善的安排引導遊人，讓遊人不知不覺中守秩序、守規矩，果能如此，則中國和中國人的新精神面貌，就會呈現在世人面前。世博展期還有180 日，希望在管理當局努力、民衆配合下，中國和中國人透過世博扭轉世人的既定認知，贏得大家所渴求的尊重。
Glossary
nouveau riche /nu:v ʊ 'ri:ʃ/a person who has recently acquired wealth.abuse
insulting language.stupefy /'stju:pI faI/stun with astonishment.
2010年5月3日星期一
Should government prise votes from democrats?
ON November 18 last year, the governmentreleased a consultation document onconstitutional reform. A survey conducted bythe Hong Kong Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies of theChinese University of Hong Kong showed 50.8% ofpeople thought Legco should adopt the government'sproposal. The proposal received much lower supportthan the 2005 package (60% ). Some academicspointed out then support for it would dwindle unless thegovernment put forward proposals to improve thepackage in the consultation period.
The government has now proposed a package.The findings of a survey carried out by the PublicOpinion Programme (POP) at the University of HongKong (which appear in this issue of Ming Pao)corroborate those academics' conjecture.In the current debate on constitutional reform,attention is mainly focused on whether the functionalconstituencies (FCs) will be abolished and whetherthere will be a roadmap for introducing universalsuffrage. The government's package is not entirelysatisfactory, but should the Legislative Council (Legco)adopt it or reject it? In the POP survey, two differentquestions led to different results.
(1) Of the respondents who were told that thegovernment's package was silent about such aroadmap, the abolition of appointed District Councilseats and the abolition of the FCs, 41% said Legcoshould throw it out, and 37% said it should adopt it.
(2) Of those who were told that it was silent aboutsuch a road map and the abolition of the FCs, but itsadoption would prevent the constitutional system fromremaining unchanged, 46% said Legco should adopt it,and 32% said it should reject it.
The percentage of people who think the 2012package should go through is not high, nor is that ofthose who believe it should be thrown out. Neitherexceeds 50% . In 2005, the government called onpro-democracy legislators to support its package when60% of people supported it. It will now be even lesseffective for it to use public opinion to compellegislators to vote for the new package. Public opinionis divided about whether the new package should gothrough. As it has not found overwhelming support,legislators in the pan-democratic camp are underslightly smaller pressure.
It is open to the government to prise votes frompan-democratic legislators. The new package will gothrough if four of them turn their coats. Nevertheless,as the public is divided, those who intend to switch tosupporting the package must consider how to justifythemselves to the pan-democratic camp and theirsupporters, for their about-turns may entail highpolitical prices.
Furthermore, as fewer than 50% of people supportthe 2012 package, even if the government pushes itthrough by "prising votes", it may remain unacceptableto many. However, such manoeuvring would not onlysplit the pan-democratic camp but also divide society.It would not make it easier to run the SAR forantagonism to grow between the government and thepan-democratic camp or for political contradictions tointensify.
We therefore do not think it advisable for thegovernment to push the package through by prisingvotes. It should strive to do such things thatpan-democratic legislators will happily and willinglysupport it. It is right and proper for pan-democraticdoves to demand that the government again pledge tointroduce genuine universal suffrage, and the SARgovernment should regard it as a goal it must do itsbest to achieve. As we pointed out a long time ago, theFCs are an obstacle to Hong Kong's democratisation.
The central government and the SAR governmentought to do what would make Hong Kong peoplebelieve that the FCs will certainly disappear before2020 and that genuine universal suffrage will beintroduced. The central government and the SARgovernment should see to it that the FCs will fade outin favour of Hong Kong's democratisation. If it is clearthat Hong Kong people will eventually exercisegenuine universal suffrage, many more citizens willsupport the 2012 package, and it will not be hard topersuade two thirds of the Legco members to vote forit.
Because fewer than 50% of people support the2012 package, the SAR government will sow theseeds of antagonism if it pushes it through by prisingvotes. However, it can prevent internal strife if it seizesthe opportunity to work with the doves and deal withHong Kong's constitutional arrangements once and forall. It is self-evident which of the two options is better.We believe all hinges on the central government'sdecision. All depends just on central governmentleaders' wisdom, courage and boldness.
明報社評 2010.04.30
2012方案支持率下跌 政府不宜撬票硬闖
去年11 月18 日，政府公布政改諮詢文件之後，例如中大亞太研究中心的調查，顯示有50.8%受訪者支持議員通過方案，較之2005 年方案出台即有六成受訪者表示接受已明顯不如。有學者早已點出，若政府在諮詢期內未能提出優化方案的建議，支持率會拾級而下。
政府正式提出方案後，明報今天刊出的港大民意研究計劃調查結果，正好印證了學者的估計。
這次政改討論，功能組別存廢和普選路線圖備受關注，即使方案未盡人意，議員應該通過或否決方案呢？港大民意研究計劃以兩種提問方式訪問受訪者，得出不同結果：
（1）如果問題點出方案「並無交代功能組別存廢、區議會受制委任議員存廢與普選路線圖」，認為應該否決的受訪者有41%，應該通過的為37%；
（2）如果問題把方案「以免政制原地踏步和並無普選路線圖及功能組別存廢」並列，認為應該通過的有46%，應該否決的有32%。
就2012 方案應該通過或否決，整體支持和反對的比率不高，沒有一個數字超過五成。05 年時，政府挾六成民意支持，呼籲民主派議員通過方案，這次政府以民意迫使民主派議員，力度更不如前。對於民主派議員，民意既對通過和否決意見分歧，認為應該通過的並不顯著，壓力也因而稍減。
至於政府，仍然可以向民主派議員「撬票」，只要取得4 票倒戈，方案就可以通過。不過，民意既然並不顯著，縱使有議員投向政府之意，如何向泛民陣營和支持者交代，相信是「轉軚議員」要考慮的問題，因為轉軚在政治上可能要付出沉重代價。
此外，由於支持2012 方案的民意未及一半，就算政府「撬票」通過了方案，其認受性仍然較低，而操作的結果，不但撕裂了泛民陣營，也使社會更呈分化。政府與民主派對立更形尖銳，政治生態激化，絕對不利於特區的管治。
因此，我們認為政府不宜「撬票」強行通過方案，應該盡量尋求民主派議員在心甘情願下支持方案。泛民陣營中的鴿派要求進一步承諾真普選的訴求，合情合理，特區政府應以此為盡力的目標。我們早已指出，功能組別是香港民主化的絆腳石，中央和特區政府，必須讓市民看到功能組別到2020 年必然會全面退出立法會，實現真正普選的民主化，讓市民看到中央和特區政府真的處理功能組別漸退，使香港的民主進程漸進，大家就會相信真普選終有實現之日。這樣的話，支持2012 方案的市民定必大增，要得到立法會三分之二議員通過方案，也是輕而易舉的事。
2012 方案支持率不過半，政府是撬票硬闖，為日後管治埋下尖銳對立的種子；抑或是因勢利導，真正尋求與鴿派合作，徹底解決香港的政制安排，減少內耗。這兩個選擇，箇中良窳不言自明，我們相信問題只在中央一念之間，就看領導人的智慧、勇氣和魄力而已。
Glossary
turn one's coat
leave one group to join one that has verydifferent views.
about-turncomplete change of attitude or opinion.
entail /In'teIl/involve unavoidably.
The government has now proposed a package.The findings of a survey carried out by the PublicOpinion Programme (POP) at the University of HongKong (which appear in this issue of Ming Pao)corroborate those academics' conjecture.In the current debate on constitutional reform,attention is mainly focused on whether the functionalconstituencies (FCs) will be abolished and whetherthere will be a roadmap for introducing universalsuffrage. The government's package is not entirelysatisfactory, but should the Legislative Council (Legco)adopt it or reject it? In the POP survey, two differentquestions led to different results.
(1) Of the respondents who were told that thegovernment's package was silent about such aroadmap, the abolition of appointed District Councilseats and the abolition of the FCs, 41% said Legcoshould throw it out, and 37% said it should adopt it.
(2) Of those who were told that it was silent aboutsuch a road map and the abolition of the FCs, but itsadoption would prevent the constitutional system fromremaining unchanged, 46% said Legco should adopt it,and 32% said it should reject it.
The percentage of people who think the 2012package should go through is not high, nor is that ofthose who believe it should be thrown out. Neitherexceeds 50% . In 2005, the government called onpro-democracy legislators to support its package when60% of people supported it. It will now be even lesseffective for it to use public opinion to compellegislators to vote for the new package. Public opinionis divided about whether the new package should gothrough. As it has not found overwhelming support,legislators in the pan-democratic camp are underslightly smaller pressure.
It is open to the government to prise votes frompan-democratic legislators. The new package will gothrough if four of them turn their coats. Nevertheless,as the public is divided, those who intend to switch tosupporting the package must consider how to justifythemselves to the pan-democratic camp and theirsupporters, for their about-turns may entail highpolitical prices.
Furthermore, as fewer than 50% of people supportthe 2012 package, even if the government pushes itthrough by "prising votes", it may remain unacceptableto many. However, such manoeuvring would not onlysplit the pan-democratic camp but also divide society.It would not make it easier to run the SAR forantagonism to grow between the government and thepan-democratic camp or for political contradictions tointensify.
We therefore do not think it advisable for thegovernment to push the package through by prisingvotes. It should strive to do such things thatpan-democratic legislators will happily and willinglysupport it. It is right and proper for pan-democraticdoves to demand that the government again pledge tointroduce genuine universal suffrage, and the SARgovernment should regard it as a goal it must do itsbest to achieve. As we pointed out a long time ago, theFCs are an obstacle to Hong Kong's democratisation.
The central government and the SAR governmentought to do what would make Hong Kong peoplebelieve that the FCs will certainly disappear before2020 and that genuine universal suffrage will beintroduced. The central government and the SARgovernment should see to it that the FCs will fade outin favour of Hong Kong's democratisation. If it is clearthat Hong Kong people will eventually exercisegenuine universal suffrage, many more citizens willsupport the 2012 package, and it will not be hard topersuade two thirds of the Legco members to vote forit.
Because fewer than 50% of people support the2012 package, the SAR government will sow theseeds of antagonism if it pushes it through by prisingvotes. However, it can prevent internal strife if it seizesthe opportunity to work with the doves and deal withHong Kong's constitutional arrangements once and forall. It is self-evident which of the two options is better.We believe all hinges on the central government'sdecision. All depends just on central governmentleaders' wisdom, courage and boldness.
明報社評 2010.04.30
2012方案支持率下跌 政府不宜撬票硬闖
去年11 月18 日，政府公布政改諮詢文件之後，例如中大亞太研究中心的調查，顯示有50.8%受訪者支持議員通過方案，較之2005 年方案出台即有六成受訪者表示接受已明顯不如。有學者早已點出，若政府在諮詢期內未能提出優化方案的建議，支持率會拾級而下。
政府正式提出方案後，明報今天刊出的港大民意研究計劃調查結果，正好印證了學者的估計。
這次政改討論，功能組別存廢和普選路線圖備受關注，即使方案未盡人意，議員應該通過或否決方案呢？港大民意研究計劃以兩種提問方式訪問受訪者，得出不同結果：
（1）如果問題點出方案「並無交代功能組別存廢、區議會受制委任議員存廢與普選路線圖」，認為應該否決的受訪者有41%，應該通過的為37%；
（2）如果問題把方案「以免政制原地踏步和並無普選路線圖及功能組別存廢」並列，認為應該通過的有46%，應該否決的有32%。
就2012 方案應該通過或否決，整體支持和反對的比率不高，沒有一個數字超過五成。05 年時，政府挾六成民意支持，呼籲民主派議員通過方案，這次政府以民意迫使民主派議員，力度更不如前。對於民主派議員，民意既對通過和否決意見分歧，認為應該通過的並不顯著，壓力也因而稍減。
至於政府，仍然可以向民主派議員「撬票」，只要取得4 票倒戈，方案就可以通過。不過，民意既然並不顯著，縱使有議員投向政府之意，如何向泛民陣營和支持者交代，相信是「轉軚議員」要考慮的問題，因為轉軚在政治上可能要付出沉重代價。
此外，由於支持2012 方案的民意未及一半，就算政府「撬票」通過了方案，其認受性仍然較低，而操作的結果，不但撕裂了泛民陣營，也使社會更呈分化。政府與民主派對立更形尖銳，政治生態激化，絕對不利於特區的管治。
因此，我們認為政府不宜「撬票」強行通過方案，應該盡量尋求民主派議員在心甘情願下支持方案。泛民陣營中的鴿派要求進一步承諾真普選的訴求，合情合理，特區政府應以此為盡力的目標。我們早已指出，功能組別是香港民主化的絆腳石，中央和特區政府，必須讓市民看到功能組別到2020 年必然會全面退出立法會，實現真正普選的民主化，讓市民看到中央和特區政府真的處理功能組別漸退，使香港的民主進程漸進，大家就會相信真普選終有實現之日。這樣的話，支持2012 方案的市民定必大增，要得到立法會三分之二議員通過方案，也是輕而易舉的事。
2012 方案支持率不過半，政府是撬票硬闖，為日後管治埋下尖銳對立的種子；抑或是因勢利導，真正尋求與鴿派合作，徹底解決香港的政制安排，減少內耗。這兩個選擇，箇中良窳不言自明，我們相信問題只在中央一念之間，就看領導人的智慧、勇氣和魄力而已。
Glossary
turn one's coat
leave one group to join one that has verydifferent views.
about-turncomplete change of attitude or opinion.
entail /In'teIl/involve unavoidably.
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