2010年5月31日星期一
Octopus and privacy
AN Octopus card contains information on itsholder's rides and purchases. Much sensitiveinformation is stored in a personalisedOctopus card - its holder's name, identity card numberand even credit card number. Octopus cards are likeelectronic identity cards and tracking devices. It is aconcern whether their holders' privacy is protected.Yesterday, Privacy Commissioner Roderick Woo madeit clear that his office would investigate on its owninitiative whether Octopus Card Limited had violatedthe Personal Data (Privacy) Ordinance in handling itscustomers' personal data.
As such data have much to do with huge businessinterests, the public have long harboured worry. At anobscure spot in the right lower part of the company'shome page a link called "personal data policy" can befound. There one may access a long document insmall print that is about what the company does withpersonal data. According to this document, thepurposes for which card holders' personal data may beused include "designing new or improving existingservices provided by us, our subsidiaries and ouraffiliates for customers' use" and "marketing of goodsand/or services by us, our subsidiaries, our affiliates orany of our selected business partners". We do notthink many Octopus card holders have perused thatstatement. But what do those expressions mean?Would Octopus Cards Limited sell card holders'
personal data to its "selected business partners"? Inwhat circumstances would it do so? How does itprotect card holders' privacy? The public are full ofdoubts and suspicions.
Octopus Cards Limited is not an ordinary privatecompany. It was jointly set up by the MTR Corp,KCRC, KMB, City-Bus and the Hong Kong andYaumatei Ferry in 1994. It expanded into the retailsector in 2000, when the Hong Kong MonetaryAuthority issued it with a deposit taking companylicence. Now Octopus is very much a symbol of HongKong. Octopus Cards Limited is essentially one ofHong Kong's leading public utility company.
The company, which has a very special status,holds important personal data of Hong Kong people. Itmust tell the public in detail how it protects itscustomers' privacy. It must not keep citizens in thedark or just deal with this matter casually. It does notdo just to issue a statement saying it "strictly complieswith the requirements of the ordinance and protects itscustomers' right to privacy" as it did yesterday.
It is indeed a major technological feat Hong Konghas achieved that Octopus cards have becomepopular. Octopus cards make life much moreconvenient in the SAR. They save people the troubleof keeping or giving change. The technology is indeedwell worth introducing to other places. Nevertheless,technology is a double-edged sword. If Octopus dataare misused, Hong Kong people's privacy will beviolated. It is hoped that Octopus Cards Limited willcooperate with investigators of the Office of the PrivacyCommissioner and tell them on its own initiative how itprotects card holders' privacy. If it does so, Hong Kongpeople's doubts will be dispelled, and they will beparticularly proud when Octopus cards are used in allparts of China and even other parts of the world.
八達通儲存敏感個人資料應主動配合私隱專員調查
八達通不單記錄了持卡人乘坐交通工具及購物的資料，個人八達通帳戶更包括了姓名、身分證號碼甚至信用卡帳戶等敏感個人資料，猶如個人電子身分證及追蹤器，客戶私隱有否獲得保障備受關注。個人資料私隱專員吳斌昨日表明，將主動調查八達通公司處理客戶資料時有否違反《私隱條例》。
由於資料庫涉及龐大的商業利益，早已引起公眾質疑。在八達通公司網頁右下角一個不起眼的位置，可找到一個名為「個人資料聲明」的連結，內附一份數頁長、文字密麻麻的文件，列明八達通公司如何處理個人資料，當中提及「持有人的個人資料可作下列用途」，其中兩項是「設計本公司、其附屬公司及聯屬公司供客戶使用而提供的新服務」，以及「推廣本公司、其附屬公司、聯屬公司或任何選定商務伙伴的貨品及╱或服務」。這份聲明相信絕大部分八達通持有人都沒有詳細閱讀過，但這些字句到底意味什麼？八達通公司會否把持卡人的資料出售予其他「選定商務伙伴」？在什麼情况下會出售？持卡人的私隱又受到什麼保障？公眾仍是滿腹疑團。
八達通並非一家普通私人機構，1994 年由地鐵、九鐵、九巴、城巴和香港小輪共同組成，2000 年更獲金管局簽發「接受存款公司」牌照，正式進軍零售業。如今八達通已經猶如香港的代表。八達通根本就是一家香港重點公共事業。
這家有獨特地位的公司，持有港人重要的個人資料，公司如何保障客戶的個人私隱，必須詳細交代，不能黑箱作業、馬虎了事，更絕非如昨日般發出聲明強調「嚴格奉行法例之要求，保障客戶私隱之權利」，就能交差。
八達通的成功普及，確實是香港的一項重要科技成就，為港人生活帶來極大方便，免卻了輔幣找贖之苦，極有向外推廣的價值；但科技是雙刃刀，若使用不當，將賠上港人私隱被侵的代價。若八達通公司能主動配合私隱專員的調查，主動交代如何保障卡主的私隱，讓公眾釋疑，日後八達通能在全中國甚至其他國家「一卡通行」時，港人定將倍感光榮。
Glossary
on one's own initiative
If you do something on your own initiative, youdo it without anyone telling you to do it.
in the dark
knowing nothing (about something).double-edged sword
something that has both advantages and disadvantages.
As such data have much to do with huge businessinterests, the public have long harboured worry. At anobscure spot in the right lower part of the company'shome page a link called "personal data policy" can befound. There one may access a long document insmall print that is about what the company does withpersonal data. According to this document, thepurposes for which card holders' personal data may beused include "designing new or improving existingservices provided by us, our subsidiaries and ouraffiliates for customers' use" and "marketing of goodsand/or services by us, our subsidiaries, our affiliates orany of our selected business partners". We do notthink many Octopus card holders have perused thatstatement. But what do those expressions mean?Would Octopus Cards Limited sell card holders'
personal data to its "selected business partners"? Inwhat circumstances would it do so? How does itprotect card holders' privacy? The public are full ofdoubts and suspicions.
Octopus Cards Limited is not an ordinary privatecompany. It was jointly set up by the MTR Corp,KCRC, KMB, City-Bus and the Hong Kong andYaumatei Ferry in 1994. It expanded into the retailsector in 2000, when the Hong Kong MonetaryAuthority issued it with a deposit taking companylicence. Now Octopus is very much a symbol of HongKong. Octopus Cards Limited is essentially one ofHong Kong's leading public utility company.
The company, which has a very special status,holds important personal data of Hong Kong people. Itmust tell the public in detail how it protects itscustomers' privacy. It must not keep citizens in thedark or just deal with this matter casually. It does notdo just to issue a statement saying it "strictly complieswith the requirements of the ordinance and protects itscustomers' right to privacy" as it did yesterday.
It is indeed a major technological feat Hong Konghas achieved that Octopus cards have becomepopular. Octopus cards make life much moreconvenient in the SAR. They save people the troubleof keeping or giving change. The technology is indeedwell worth introducing to other places. Nevertheless,technology is a double-edged sword. If Octopus dataare misused, Hong Kong people's privacy will beviolated. It is hoped that Octopus Cards Limited willcooperate with investigators of the Office of the PrivacyCommissioner and tell them on its own initiative how itprotects card holders' privacy. If it does so, Hong Kongpeople's doubts will be dispelled, and they will beparticularly proud when Octopus cards are used in allparts of China and even other parts of the world.
八達通儲存敏感個人資料應主動配合私隱專員調查
八達通不單記錄了持卡人乘坐交通工具及購物的資料，個人八達通帳戶更包括了姓名、身分證號碼甚至信用卡帳戶等敏感個人資料，猶如個人電子身分證及追蹤器，客戶私隱有否獲得保障備受關注。個人資料私隱專員吳斌昨日表明，將主動調查八達通公司處理客戶資料時有否違反《私隱條例》。
由於資料庫涉及龐大的商業利益，早已引起公眾質疑。在八達通公司網頁右下角一個不起眼的位置，可找到一個名為「個人資料聲明」的連結，內附一份數頁長、文字密麻麻的文件，列明八達通公司如何處理個人資料，當中提及「持有人的個人資料可作下列用途」，其中兩項是「設計本公司、其附屬公司及聯屬公司供客戶使用而提供的新服務」，以及「推廣本公司、其附屬公司、聯屬公司或任何選定商務伙伴的貨品及╱或服務」。這份聲明相信絕大部分八達通持有人都沒有詳細閱讀過，但這些字句到底意味什麼？八達通公司會否把持卡人的資料出售予其他「選定商務伙伴」？在什麼情况下會出售？持卡人的私隱又受到什麼保障？公眾仍是滿腹疑團。
八達通並非一家普通私人機構，1994 年由地鐵、九鐵、九巴、城巴和香港小輪共同組成，2000 年更獲金管局簽發「接受存款公司」牌照，正式進軍零售業。如今八達通已經猶如香港的代表。八達通根本就是一家香港重點公共事業。
這家有獨特地位的公司，持有港人重要的個人資料，公司如何保障客戶的個人私隱，必須詳細交代，不能黑箱作業、馬虎了事，更絕非如昨日般發出聲明強調「嚴格奉行法例之要求，保障客戶私隱之權利」，就能交差。
八達通的成功普及，確實是香港的一項重要科技成就，為港人生活帶來極大方便，免卻了輔幣找贖之苦，極有向外推廣的價值；但科技是雙刃刀，若使用不當，將賠上港人私隱被侵的代價。若八達通公司能主動配合私隱專員的調查，主動交代如何保障卡主的私隱，讓公眾釋疑，日後八達通能在全中國甚至其他國家「一卡通行」時，港人定將倍感光榮。
Glossary
on one's own initiative
If you do something on your own initiative, youdo it without anyone telling you to do it.
in the dark
knowing nothing (about something).double-edged sword
something that has both advantages and disadvantages.
China role threatened as world factory
Young workers at Foxconn's Shenzhen factory committing suicide one after another couldn't be more disturbing.
Taiwanese tycoon Terry Gou Tai- ming moved swiftly on the weekend to boost wages by 20 percent to ease tension after 10 deaths so far this year.
Although Foxconn denied the pay rise had any connection whatsoever to the suicide scandal, its timing couldn't be more coincidental.
In Foshan, more than 1,800 Honda workers at its parts factory have been on strike for two weeks, forcing the Japanese carmaker to shut down its assembly lines across the mainland.
Honda has offered pay rises, but obviously not enough to get the striking employees back to work.
Both incidents have helped to raise the question whether China's role as the world's factory is soon ending.
Nobody can possibly standardize the cause of all the suicide jumps and wrist slashing at Foxconn. But the general views link them to the military-style workplace discipline designed to suppress costs for maximum profit.
For years, this has been Gou's formula in elevating Foxconn to become the king of contractors, winning orders from leading brands such as Apple, Microsoft, Sony, Nokia, and Hewlett- Packard.
Honda's case is more straightforward, though not necessarily simpler. So far, the carmaker has put off reaching a settlement with the striking workers by recruiting and training interns to replace those more experienced regulars.
The different approaches by Foxconn and Honda have helped each control costs in a highly competitive commercial world. But neither plant fits the common definition of "sweat-shop" usually associated with extremely low salaries and unsafe working conditions. There are scores of other mainland workplaces that better fit the description. But the fact is China's labor market is changing. In the past, migrant workers who flocked to the cities from the poorer hinterland were driven by the burning desire to earn and save as much money as possible, so they could someday triumphantly return home to build big houses or raise livestock. Clearly, this is no longer the case. Migrant workers now mostly belong to the 1980s or '90s generations, better educated and having experienced less hardship than their parents. They travel to cities, dreaming of prosperity, and are less willing to return to poor home villages.
Their earnings may be good for the standard of living in the hinterland, but hardly enough for life outside factory dormitories in Shenzhen or Foshan.
The mainland labor market resembles what Hong Kong's was like in the 1950s and '60s. It took many years for the SAR to become what it is today.
There's little doubt a similar transformation is occurring in China, with the government introducing policies to increase minimum pay scales almost yearly since 2006, in support of Beijing's building of a harmonious society, and desire to stimulate the economy by boosting domestic consumption.
Of those provinces and cities raising the minimum pay this year, the rate is 10 percent or more.
But economic transformation is a natural process that won't be completed in a fortnight. So China will continue to remain an important manufacturing base of the world for the foreseeable future.*Overset by 720.*
英文虎報 Central Station | By Mary Ma
Taiwanese tycoon Terry Gou Tai- ming moved swiftly on the weekend to boost wages by 20 percent to ease tension after 10 deaths so far this year.
Although Foxconn denied the pay rise had any connection whatsoever to the suicide scandal, its timing couldn't be more coincidental.
In Foshan, more than 1,800 Honda workers at its parts factory have been on strike for two weeks, forcing the Japanese carmaker to shut down its assembly lines across the mainland.
Honda has offered pay rises, but obviously not enough to get the striking employees back to work.
Both incidents have helped to raise the question whether China's role as the world's factory is soon ending.
Nobody can possibly standardize the cause of all the suicide jumps and wrist slashing at Foxconn. But the general views link them to the military-style workplace discipline designed to suppress costs for maximum profit.
For years, this has been Gou's formula in elevating Foxconn to become the king of contractors, winning orders from leading brands such as Apple, Microsoft, Sony, Nokia, and Hewlett- Packard.
Honda's case is more straightforward, though not necessarily simpler. So far, the carmaker has put off reaching a settlement with the striking workers by recruiting and training interns to replace those more experienced regulars.
The different approaches by Foxconn and Honda have helped each control costs in a highly competitive commercial world. But neither plant fits the common definition of "sweat-shop" usually associated with extremely low salaries and unsafe working conditions. There are scores of other mainland workplaces that better fit the description. But the fact is China's labor market is changing. In the past, migrant workers who flocked to the cities from the poorer hinterland were driven by the burning desire to earn and save as much money as possible, so they could someday triumphantly return home to build big houses or raise livestock. Clearly, this is no longer the case. Migrant workers now mostly belong to the 1980s or '90s generations, better educated and having experienced less hardship than their parents. They travel to cities, dreaming of prosperity, and are less willing to return to poor home villages.
Their earnings may be good for the standard of living in the hinterland, but hardly enough for life outside factory dormitories in Shenzhen or Foshan.
The mainland labor market resembles what Hong Kong's was like in the 1950s and '60s. It took many years for the SAR to become what it is today.
There's little doubt a similar transformation is occurring in China, with the government introducing policies to increase minimum pay scales almost yearly since 2006, in support of Beijing's building of a harmonious society, and desire to stimulate the economy by boosting domestic consumption.
Of those provinces and cities raising the minimum pay this year, the rate is 10 percent or more.
But economic transformation is a natural process that won't be completed in a fortnight. So China will continue to remain an important manufacturing base of the world for the foreseeable future.*Overset by 720.*
英文虎報 Central Station | By Mary Ma
2010年5月30日星期日
2010年5月28日星期五
Central government should offer concessions
L I Gang, a deputy director of the Liaison Officeof the Central People's Government in theHong Kong SAR, has met members of theDemocratic Party and then those of the Alliance forUniversal Suffrage. The democrats have proposedthat, in 2012, the additional functional constituency(FC) Legislative Council (Legco) members be returnedby all voters. Yesterday, Li Gang called that at oddswith the intent of the Basic Law, apparently bent onsentencing it to death.
According to Li Gang, as the National People'sCongress Standing Committee's decision says that, in2012, there will be as many directly elected seats asFC seats in Legco and FC voters belong to specificprofessions or groups, it is at odds with the intent ofthe Basic Law, would arouse suspicions of a breach ofthe decision and would not help bring about consensusto allow all voters to return FC legislators.
In our view, Hong Kong's constitutionalarrangements are political in nature and, in this area,legal points are of secondary importance. Judging fromhow things have developed, legal points have becomewhat the central government uses to slow down HongKong's democratisation. Li Gang's comments on theproposal in the light of what he perceives to be a pointof law are clearly inadequate. He turns a blind eye tothe political reality, and his arguments are less thanpersuasive.
Li Gang has been authorised by the centralgovernment to meet pan pan--democrats. Conceivably, histask is to find out what reforms they want the SARgovernment to carry out and give the centralgovernment a report so that it can come to a finaldecision. There is reason to believe what he hasopenly said about how the additional FC Legco seatsshould be filled is based on his usual understandings.
We do not think they represent what the centralgovernment has recently determined. We hope thecentral government will look at pan pan--democrats'proposals from a wider perspective instead of usinglegal niceties as a protective talisman talisman..Hong Kong democrats did not really concernthemselves with the 2012 electoral arrangements.
They aimed at persuading the central government toreassure Hong Kong people by saying definitely thatthey would exercise genuine universal suffrage in 2017and 2020. If it did so, they would support the SARgovernment's 2012 package despite its undemocraticfeatures. However, when they and central governmentofficials sounded one another out out, they came to, realise the central government was very unlikely to doso. Thereupon they decided to settle for second best -to make the 2012 package as democratic as possible.It is generally agreed that, unless democrats'
meetings with central government officials producepositive results, Hong Kong's political ecology willwholly tend to radicalise. Then, internal strife wouldintensify, Chief Executive Donald Tsang and hisadministration would have even greater difficultyrunning the SAR, and Hong Kong would be like a manwho, sitting on a powder keg, wonders when he will beblown to pieces.
Deputy director Li Gang has called on democratsto make political compromises. He has said, "About theconstitutional system, none can win alone; one mustallow all to win. If any party wants to win alone, all mayend up losing." From what Li Gang has said after hismeetings with members of the Democratic Party andthose of the Alliance for Universal Suffrage, citizensare quite clear who wants to win alone. Yesterday hecalled on democrats to make concessions, saying,"Take a step back and a boundless world appearsbefore you." He urged them to support the 2012package so that Hong Kong's constitutional system willprogress instead of remaining unchanged. In our view,the central government should also give some thoughtto the saying that "a boundless world will appearbefore one if one takes a step back" and try to do whatwould allow all to win. If both the democrats and thecentral government take a step back, there will be twosteps between them, and it will be much likelier forgive and take to yield positive results. Then, HongKong's political situation would suddenly clear up, andthe central authorities would no longer have to racktheir brains to deal with this issue.
All will be well if the central government saysdefinitely Hong Kong people will exercise genuineuniversal suffrage in the 2017 and 2020 elections. Thisis Hong Kong people's very humble request, and theydeserve to have genuine universal suffrage. Is it reallyso hard for the central government to grant thisrequest? Are Hong Kong people to suppose theuniversal suffrage promised them will be bogus? Thecentral government ought to answer these questions.
退一步海闊天空民主派和中央都適用
明報社評
2010.05.27
中聯辦副主任李剛先後與民主黨和普選聯會晤，對於他們所提出訴求，其中關於2012 新增功能組別交由全體選民投票，李剛昨日公開回應時，直指為不符合《基本法》原意，大有把這個訴求判處「死刑」之意。
李剛昨日回應說，人大常委會《決定》規定2012 年直選及功能組別增加的議席相等，功能組別選民是特定行業或組別人士，如交由全部選民投票產生，就不符合基本法的立法原意，並引起社會人質疑是否違反了《決定》，不利於社會形成共識。
我們認為， 香港政制安排的本質是政治問題，法律問題只屬其次，而從發展歷程看來，法律更淪為手段，中央借此阻礙香港民主化進程而已。所以，李剛只從他演繹的法理討論這個問題，顯然不足，罔顧政治實質，理據未能使人信服。
李剛獲中央授權與民主派會晤，相信他的任務是收集民主派對政改的訴求，然後向中央匯報，由中央拍板定奪。他就新增功能組別議席的選舉方式的陳述，有理由相信是按一貫理解所作的公開解釋，而非中央最高層的最新決定。我們希望， 中央日後應該從更廣闊角度審視民主派所提出的訴求，而非狹義地以法律為護身符。民主派志不在2012 年的選舉安排，他們着眼於爭取中央確認2017 和2020 年兩個選舉是真普選，以增加市民的信心，若得到中央的確認，則2012 年選舉安排之不民主實質，他們也不會計較而投票支持。但是與中央官員互相摸底過程中，民主派知道要中央確認2017 和2020 年真普選的可能性不大，於是退而求其次，爭取2012 年方案有最大的民主程度。
現在，社會上有這樣的共識，就是民主派這次與中央溝通，若未能取得積極成果，香港整體政治生態將無可避免趨向激化，屆時內耗加劇，特首曾蔭權和政府的管治倍添困難，香港就像坐在火藥桶一樣，不知道什麼時候被炸得粉身碎骨。
李剛副主任曾經勸籲民主派作出政治妥協，表示「在政制問題上，不可獨贏，只能共贏，如果只想獨贏，結果可能共輸」，按李剛與民主黨和普選聯會晤後所透露的信息，究竟是誰想獨贏呢？相信市民心中有數。昨日李剛呼籲民主派「退一步，海闊天空」，支持2012 年政改方案，使香港政制向前發展，不再原地踏步。我們認為，中央也應該想一想「退一步，海闊天空」這句話，創造共贏環境，若民主派和中央都各退一步，屆時就有兩步的迴旋空間，再經互讓互諒，達至積極成果機會大增，香港政局頓時天朗氣清，中央再也不用為這個問題傷腦筋了。
中央只要確認2017 和2020 年兩個選舉是真普選，事情就全部解決了，這是港人十分卑微的要求，而真普選也是港人應得的。確認真的那麼困難？普選難道真是假的？這是中央要回答的問題。
明報英語網「雙語社評」english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
According to Li Gang, as the National People'sCongress Standing Committee's decision says that, in2012, there will be as many directly elected seats asFC seats in Legco and FC voters belong to specificprofessions or groups, it is at odds with the intent ofthe Basic Law, would arouse suspicions of a breach ofthe decision and would not help bring about consensusto allow all voters to return FC legislators.
In our view, Hong Kong's constitutionalarrangements are political in nature and, in this area,legal points are of secondary importance. Judging fromhow things have developed, legal points have becomewhat the central government uses to slow down HongKong's democratisation. Li Gang's comments on theproposal in the light of what he perceives to be a pointof law are clearly inadequate. He turns a blind eye tothe political reality, and his arguments are less thanpersuasive.
Li Gang has been authorised by the centralgovernment to meet pan pan--democrats. Conceivably, histask is to find out what reforms they want the SARgovernment to carry out and give the centralgovernment a report so that it can come to a finaldecision. There is reason to believe what he hasopenly said about how the additional FC Legco seatsshould be filled is based on his usual understandings.
We do not think they represent what the centralgovernment has recently determined. We hope thecentral government will look at pan pan--democrats'proposals from a wider perspective instead of usinglegal niceties as a protective talisman talisman..Hong Kong democrats did not really concernthemselves with the 2012 electoral arrangements.
They aimed at persuading the central government toreassure Hong Kong people by saying definitely thatthey would exercise genuine universal suffrage in 2017and 2020. If it did so, they would support the SARgovernment's 2012 package despite its undemocraticfeatures. However, when they and central governmentofficials sounded one another out out, they came to, realise the central government was very unlikely to doso. Thereupon they decided to settle for second best -to make the 2012 package as democratic as possible.It is generally agreed that, unless democrats'
meetings with central government officials producepositive results, Hong Kong's political ecology willwholly tend to radicalise. Then, internal strife wouldintensify, Chief Executive Donald Tsang and hisadministration would have even greater difficultyrunning the SAR, and Hong Kong would be like a manwho, sitting on a powder keg, wonders when he will beblown to pieces.
Deputy director Li Gang has called on democratsto make political compromises. He has said, "About theconstitutional system, none can win alone; one mustallow all to win. If any party wants to win alone, all mayend up losing." From what Li Gang has said after hismeetings with members of the Democratic Party andthose of the Alliance for Universal Suffrage, citizensare quite clear who wants to win alone. Yesterday hecalled on democrats to make concessions, saying,"Take a step back and a boundless world appearsbefore you." He urged them to support the 2012package so that Hong Kong's constitutional system willprogress instead of remaining unchanged. In our view,the central government should also give some thoughtto the saying that "a boundless world will appearbefore one if one takes a step back" and try to do whatwould allow all to win. If both the democrats and thecentral government take a step back, there will be twosteps between them, and it will be much likelier forgive and take to yield positive results. Then, HongKong's political situation would suddenly clear up, andthe central authorities would no longer have to racktheir brains to deal with this issue.
All will be well if the central government saysdefinitely Hong Kong people will exercise genuineuniversal suffrage in the 2017 and 2020 elections. Thisis Hong Kong people's very humble request, and theydeserve to have genuine universal suffrage. Is it reallyso hard for the central government to grant thisrequest? Are Hong Kong people to suppose theuniversal suffrage promised them will be bogus? Thecentral government ought to answer these questions.
退一步海闊天空民主派和中央都適用
明報社評
2010.05.27
中聯辦副主任李剛先後與民主黨和普選聯會晤，對於他們所提出訴求，其中關於2012 新增功能組別交由全體選民投票，李剛昨日公開回應時，直指為不符合《基本法》原意，大有把這個訴求判處「死刑」之意。
李剛昨日回應說，人大常委會《決定》規定2012 年直選及功能組別增加的議席相等，功能組別選民是特定行業或組別人士，如交由全部選民投票產生，就不符合基本法的立法原意，並引起社會人質疑是否違反了《決定》，不利於社會形成共識。
我們認為， 香港政制安排的本質是政治問題，法律問題只屬其次，而從發展歷程看來，法律更淪為手段，中央借此阻礙香港民主化進程而已。所以，李剛只從他演繹的法理討論這個問題，顯然不足，罔顧政治實質，理據未能使人信服。
李剛獲中央授權與民主派會晤，相信他的任務是收集民主派對政改的訴求，然後向中央匯報，由中央拍板定奪。他就新增功能組別議席的選舉方式的陳述，有理由相信是按一貫理解所作的公開解釋，而非中央最高層的最新決定。我們希望， 中央日後應該從更廣闊角度審視民主派所提出的訴求，而非狹義地以法律為護身符。民主派志不在2012 年的選舉安排，他們着眼於爭取中央確認2017 和2020 年兩個選舉是真普選，以增加市民的信心，若得到中央的確認，則2012 年選舉安排之不民主實質，他們也不會計較而投票支持。但是與中央官員互相摸底過程中，民主派知道要中央確認2017 和2020 年真普選的可能性不大，於是退而求其次，爭取2012 年方案有最大的民主程度。
現在，社會上有這樣的共識，就是民主派這次與中央溝通，若未能取得積極成果，香港整體政治生態將無可避免趨向激化，屆時內耗加劇，特首曾蔭權和政府的管治倍添困難，香港就像坐在火藥桶一樣，不知道什麼時候被炸得粉身碎骨。
李剛副主任曾經勸籲民主派作出政治妥協，表示「在政制問題上，不可獨贏，只能共贏，如果只想獨贏，結果可能共輸」，按李剛與民主黨和普選聯會晤後所透露的信息，究竟是誰想獨贏呢？相信市民心中有數。昨日李剛呼籲民主派「退一步，海闊天空」，支持2012 年政改方案，使香港政制向前發展，不再原地踏步。我們認為，中央也應該想一想「退一步，海闊天空」這句話，創造共贏環境，若民主派和中央都各退一步，屆時就有兩步的迴旋空間，再經互讓互諒，達至積極成果機會大增，香港政局頓時天朗氣清，中央再也不用為這個問題傷腦筋了。
中央只要確認2017 和2020 年兩個選舉是真普選，事情就全部解決了，這是港人十分卑微的要求，而真普選也是港人應得的。確認真的那麼困難？普選難道真是假的？這是中央要回答的問題。
明報英語網「雙語社評」english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
2010年5月27日星期四
上班族改善英語 由句子學起 港人不懂問候語 易擺烏龍
港人3歲開始學英語，但面對外國人時往往「口窒窒」，甚至有口難言。港台節目《反斗英語》之「錯不在我」環節主持、中大英文系碩士課程主任梁頌康（Danny）指出，港人學英語經常擺烏龍，最大毛病是只學單字，以致未能有效組織句子；有外國人說 What's up，但有中國人卻一頭霧水，回應 It's sky，鬧出大笑話。
在中大教授英文碩士數年，Danny發現港人學習英語的最大問題源於「教科書英語」，只着重學習文法及單字，以致用英語溝通時會「口啞啞」，或以字面理解意思。
「教科書英語」鬧笑話
「一位愛爾蘭教授曾跟我說，有次碰到中國朋友時說了句 What's up？怎料對方回應 It's sky。若他了解外國文化，便知道What's up只是一句問候語！」
他舉例，當上司問 It's sunny day, isn't it？上班族往往以為對方正在問天氣，「其實是英國人的問候語，就如港人問『你食咗飯未』一樣。」只需回答Yes, it is！不用查詢天氣報告。
上班族要從「教科書英語」更上一層樓，Danny認為不可只學習英語生字，更要認識生字上的「兄弟姊妹」，即該生字的前後配搭或慣用語（collocation），如 interested一字是跟 in。
運用成語倍感親切
另一方面要留意的是成語（idioms），如 burn the midnight oil，意指工作非常辛苦；若工作重重複複，可以說 It's like watching the paint dry。在溝通時多運用成語，外籍同事頓覺「同聲同氣」。
港人學英語另一問題，是英美口音夾雜，或英美用字縱橫交錯，他認為雖然大多數英美人士知道兩者分別，但某些字詞發音相似，可能令對方誤會。
80後的 Danny土生土長，從沒到過外地留學，卻說得一口流利英語。他透露自己曾下過苦工，在眾多方法中他推薦看電影。為學習英式口音，Danny選看英國電影，邊看字幕邊模仿演員對話，他表示方法非常奏效，除有助發音，亦可學會地道英語。
﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏
阿 Sir上陣 建議先讀聲學
盡管商業文件或電郵的文法多標準，但若發音不正確，印象分同樣大打折扣，如receipt（收據），不少人會讀出「P」音，原來字母p在字母t之前，通常都不發音。
要了解正確讀音，Danny建議上班族先修讀聲學（phonics），以簡單方法學會拼音，進階才學國際音標（IPA）。
本周六播出的《反斗英語》之「錯不在我」環節，Danny將示範多種英文生字的正確發音。自 Danny參與《反斗英語》製作及演出後，不少學生紛紛讚好。
原來雙方合作是個機緣巧合，港台電視部監製謝瑞芳稱，邀請Danny參與節目，對方一口答應，除了擔任英語顧問，更作幕前演出，跟藝人李綺紅以生動方式教授英語。
下集《反斗英語》故事將圍繞藥房及醫生診症的英文常用語，節目於5月29日晚上7時30分在無綫翡翠台播出。
在中大教授英文碩士數年，Danny發現港人學習英語的最大問題源於「教科書英語」，只着重學習文法及單字，以致用英語溝通時會「口啞啞」，或以字面理解意思。
「教科書英語」鬧笑話
「一位愛爾蘭教授曾跟我說，有次碰到中國朋友時說了句 What's up？怎料對方回應 It's sky。若他了解外國文化，便知道What's up只是一句問候語！」
他舉例，當上司問 It's sunny day, isn't it？上班族往往以為對方正在問天氣，「其實是英國人的問候語，就如港人問『你食咗飯未』一樣。」只需回答Yes, it is！不用查詢天氣報告。
上班族要從「教科書英語」更上一層樓，Danny認為不可只學習英語生字，更要認識生字上的「兄弟姊妹」，即該生字的前後配搭或慣用語（collocation），如 interested一字是跟 in。
運用成語倍感親切
另一方面要留意的是成語（idioms），如 burn the midnight oil，意指工作非常辛苦；若工作重重複複，可以說 It's like watching the paint dry。在溝通時多運用成語，外籍同事頓覺「同聲同氣」。
港人學英語另一問題，是英美口音夾雜，或英美用字縱橫交錯，他認為雖然大多數英美人士知道兩者分別，但某些字詞發音相似，可能令對方誤會。
80後的 Danny土生土長，從沒到過外地留學，卻說得一口流利英語。他透露自己曾下過苦工，在眾多方法中他推薦看電影。為學習英式口音，Danny選看英國電影，邊看字幕邊模仿演員對話，他表示方法非常奏效，除有助發音，亦可學會地道英語。
﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏﹏
阿 Sir上陣 建議先讀聲學
盡管商業文件或電郵的文法多標準，但若發音不正確，印象分同樣大打折扣，如receipt（收據），不少人會讀出「P」音，原來字母p在字母t之前，通常都不發音。
要了解正確讀音，Danny建議上班族先修讀聲學（phonics），以簡單方法學會拼音，進階才學國際音標（IPA）。
本周六播出的《反斗英語》之「錯不在我」環節，Danny將示範多種英文生字的正確發音。自 Danny參與《反斗英語》製作及演出後，不少學生紛紛讚好。
原來雙方合作是個機緣巧合，港台電視部監製謝瑞芳稱，邀請Danny參與節目，對方一口答應，除了擔任英語顧問，更作幕前演出，跟藝人李綺紅以生動方式教授英語。
下集《反斗英語》故事將圍繞藥房及醫生診症的英文常用語，節目於5月29日晚上7時30分在無綫翡翠台播出。
Death teaches a hard lesson
The leap that took the life of a youngster at Tung Chung Catholic School is shocking. At the same time, it is also a case for grave concern.
Not only is it a matter of how a 17-year-old student ended his life, it also raises questions about how schools cope with students suffering from psychological disorders.
Wong Ling-fung was psychotic, but psychologists contacted by The Standard said people with psychosis can be intelligent and resume a normal life if given proper medical care, along with support from family and friends.
Anyone who has read the messages Wong left on his blog might not necessarily agree with him. However, they do provide clues on understanding the inner world of this troubled young man.
The Coroner's Court should be convened to review the case, even though there appears to be little doubt about the cause of death - suicide. But there are circumstances warranting greater attention from us. Perhaps there is something society can learn.
Understandably, the parents are grieving over their son's death, with the father accusing the school of three things in particular. First, he questioned why the school asked his son to take his medication before class despite parental objections. He said Ling-fung had taken his medicine before bedtime the night before - as prescribed by doctors.
Second, he questioned why the school had demanded his son to make a public apology for misbehaving on Respect Teachers Day, knowing he had a psychological condition. Then, he queried why the son was warned of isolation if he did not apologize.
This is the father's understanding of the tragic incident. What's the school's version of the case? So far, it has stayed invisible from the media, even posting a notice at its main entrance yesterday rejecting any media interviews.
Perhaps the closest that one can get is what has been said by unidentified sources quoted by a local paper.
On the first point of the medication accusation, the sources wouldn't comment, citing privacy concerns. On the second point, the sources clarified the school had not asked the student to apologize in public.
On the isolation claim, the sources said arrangements had been made for Wong to return to school for self-study, and was allowed to attend normal classes a few days before his fatal leap.
It would be imprudent to rush to attach blame to anybody. But there is a case of public interest at stake. How well is our education model equipped in dealing with similar problems?
On his blog, Wong said he knew others viewed him as strange since he was very young. How did he cope? He kept his inside world bottled up, and chose to observe how others reacted to him. He also recalled how he had to pretend to behave during the two months' confinement in a mental hospital.
It is right to deal with the psychological impact of Wong's suicide on his schoolmates and teachers. But it would also be necessary for the Education Bureau to take the lead to look into the case thoroughly to find out if there is a lesson to be learned.
There are many types of people, and sometimes, even gifted children act strangely.
Not only is it a matter of how a 17-year-old student ended his life, it also raises questions about how schools cope with students suffering from psychological disorders.
Wong Ling-fung was psychotic, but psychologists contacted by The Standard said people with psychosis can be intelligent and resume a normal life if given proper medical care, along with support from family and friends.
Anyone who has read the messages Wong left on his blog might not necessarily agree with him. However, they do provide clues on understanding the inner world of this troubled young man.
The Coroner's Court should be convened to review the case, even though there appears to be little doubt about the cause of death - suicide. But there are circumstances warranting greater attention from us. Perhaps there is something society can learn.
Understandably, the parents are grieving over their son's death, with the father accusing the school of three things in particular. First, he questioned why the school asked his son to take his medication before class despite parental objections. He said Ling-fung had taken his medicine before bedtime the night before - as prescribed by doctors.
Second, he questioned why the school had demanded his son to make a public apology for misbehaving on Respect Teachers Day, knowing he had a psychological condition. Then, he queried why the son was warned of isolation if he did not apologize.
This is the father's understanding of the tragic incident. What's the school's version of the case? So far, it has stayed invisible from the media, even posting a notice at its main entrance yesterday rejecting any media interviews.
Perhaps the closest that one can get is what has been said by unidentified sources quoted by a local paper.
On the first point of the medication accusation, the sources wouldn't comment, citing privacy concerns. On the second point, the sources clarified the school had not asked the student to apologize in public.
On the isolation claim, the sources said arrangements had been made for Wong to return to school for self-study, and was allowed to attend normal classes a few days before his fatal leap.
It would be imprudent to rush to attach blame to anybody. But there is a case of public interest at stake. How well is our education model equipped in dealing with similar problems?
On his blog, Wong said he knew others viewed him as strange since he was very young. How did he cope? He kept his inside world bottled up, and chose to observe how others reacted to him. He also recalled how he had to pretend to behave during the two months' confinement in a mental hospital.
It is right to deal with the psychological impact of Wong's suicide on his schoolmates and teachers. But it would also be necessary for the Education Bureau to take the lead to look into the case thoroughly to find out if there is a lesson to be learned.
There are many types of people, and sometimes, even gifted children act strangely.
Mental sweatshop
YESTERDAY another employee of Foxconnjumped to his death in its Shenzhen plant.That is the eleventh this year. Already ninehave died and two severely injured. Though Foxconnhas large numbers of employees, it is certainlyextraordinary that its workers' suicidal jumps havebeen frequent over the past five months.
Generally speaking, a sweatshop is a factory withhorribly dangerous and difficult conditions whereworkers, who are poorly paid but have to work longhours, are exposed to harmful substances, extremeheat, low temperatures or radiation. Judging by whatour reporters have gathered, Foxconn does notanswer this description. Its employees have fewcomplaints about its facilities or their workingenvironment.
However, they are unhappy about itsmanagement. Workers may not speak when they work.One may not go to the toilet unless one's position issupplied. Workers hear nothing at work exceptmonotonous noise from machinery. Because workersof one unit are given different rooms, one may hardlyknow one's roommates. When a worker returns to hisdormitory, others on other shifts may be asleep, andhe may not very well disturb them.
In such circumstances, if one is sociable, one mayhave few emotional problems because one may havefriends with whom one may go out to have meals orstroll the streets together. However, according to someFoxconn employees, some young people who workthere have difficult relationships or problems at work.They may not speak at work, and they may have noone to talk to after work. Introverts who do not makefriends are almost cut off from the outside world. Suchpeople are at risk.
From what we have mentioned above, Foxconnhas such hardware and offers its workers such termsof employment that it does not fit the normal definitionof sweatshop. However, it has adopted some inhumanpractices. For example, some say it makes a point ofpreventing its employees from becoming close to oneanother, and some of its supervisors are rude andprone to abuse their subordinates. Foxconn isregarded as a sweatshop of another kind - a mentalsweatshop.
Not only does inhuman management erodeindividual employees' lives, but it also breedsresentment. It may be a hotbed of industrial action andlabour movements. To nip the problem in the bud,Foxconn should change its ways and practices ofmanagement.
Terry Gou, who owns Foxconn, is a leadingTaiwan businessman. He is well spoken of for his waysof doing business and treating his employees. Forexample, he once personally arranged for eminentmonks from Mount Wutai to perform services atFoxconn in Shenzhen. He did so to solace hisemployees. Though one may say he put trifles beforeessentials, Terry Gou deserves praise for having hisemployees' welfare at heart. The company is urgentlyrecruiting psychotherapists and counsellors to helpemployees that have emotional problems. That showsTerry Gou is trying hard to address the problem.We have no idea what effective plans Terry Gouhas to help Foxconn employees in Shenzhen.
However, we believe the solution lies in "humanity". Ifthe company dumps its robot management (underwhich workers are regarded as machines), regardsthem as humans and respect them, they will work andlive happily, and no horrible stories like those about"the eleven consecutive jumps" will appear.
2010.05.26明報社評
富士康—物質豐腴企業 精神血汗工廠
深圳富士康廠區，昨日又有員工跳樓死亡，這是今年以來的第11 宗，已經釀成9 死2 重傷。富士康雖云員工衆多，但是5 個月之內員工密集跳樓尋死，肯定事不尋常。
一般而言，血汗工廠是指一間工廠的環境恐怖，工人在危險和困苦的環境工作，包括與有害物質、高熱、低溫、輻射為伍，兼且工時長、工資低等。記者採訪發現，富士康並非如此。員工對廠區建設、工作環境並無投訴。
不過，員工對工廠的管理有不少意見，包括上班時不能說話，要找人頂班才能上廁；平日工作間除了單調的機器聲音，寂靜無聲。回到宿舍，因為公司安排同一單位的工友住在不同房間，致使工友互不熟稔，另外，早晚更不同，回到宿舍只見到其他人睡覺，不好意思打擾。
這種情况下，若員工有交際能力，與一些同事相處得來，結伴吃飯、逛街，不會有情緒問題，但是有員工說，園內有不少年輕人面對男女感情和工作問題，上班不能說話，下班沒人傾訴，若個性內向，不易結識朋友，幾等於和外界斷絕，這些人就容易出事。
綜合上述情况，富士康就工廠硬件建設和待遇而言，並非一般定義上的血汗工廠，但是管理上存在一些非人性化做法（例如，被指刻意不讓工友之間熟稔、基層管理人員粗暴、存在責難打罵等），富士康被視為精神上的「另類血汗工廠」。
工廠的非人性化管理，不但磨蝕着個別員工的生命，其實也是滋生和累積不滿情緒的溫牀，乃發生醞釀工運和工潮的土壤，從防微杜漸出發，富士康也應該調整管理方式和措施。
富士康的老闆郭台銘是台灣大商家，他做生意的手法和對待員工一貫口碑甚佳，就以此事為例，他曾經親自安排五台山的高僧到富士康深圳廠區做法事，目的要使員工安心。這個做法，雖然有點捨本逐末，但是郭台銘以員工為念的之志，仍然應予肯定。富士康已在緊急招聘心理醫生和輔導人員，紓緩員工的情緒問題。這些舉措，顯示郭台銘在努力面對問題。
不知道郭台銘趕到深圳後有何善策良方解富士康員工之困，我們認為良方在「人性」二字，只要改變視員工為機器的「機械人管理」模式，視員工為一個人並予以尊重，則員工就會在愉悅的心境下工作、生活， 「11 連跳」的恐怖新聞才會畫上句號。
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Generally speaking, a sweatshop is a factory withhorribly dangerous and difficult conditions whereworkers, who are poorly paid but have to work longhours, are exposed to harmful substances, extremeheat, low temperatures or radiation. Judging by whatour reporters have gathered, Foxconn does notanswer this description. Its employees have fewcomplaints about its facilities or their workingenvironment.
However, they are unhappy about itsmanagement. Workers may not speak when they work.One may not go to the toilet unless one's position issupplied. Workers hear nothing at work exceptmonotonous noise from machinery. Because workersof one unit are given different rooms, one may hardlyknow one's roommates. When a worker returns to hisdormitory, others on other shifts may be asleep, andhe may not very well disturb them.
In such circumstances, if one is sociable, one mayhave few emotional problems because one may havefriends with whom one may go out to have meals orstroll the streets together. However, according to someFoxconn employees, some young people who workthere have difficult relationships or problems at work.They may not speak at work, and they may have noone to talk to after work. Introverts who do not makefriends are almost cut off from the outside world. Suchpeople are at risk.
From what we have mentioned above, Foxconnhas such hardware and offers its workers such termsof employment that it does not fit the normal definitionof sweatshop. However, it has adopted some inhumanpractices. For example, some say it makes a point ofpreventing its employees from becoming close to oneanother, and some of its supervisors are rude andprone to abuse their subordinates. Foxconn isregarded as a sweatshop of another kind - a mentalsweatshop.
Not only does inhuman management erodeindividual employees' lives, but it also breedsresentment. It may be a hotbed of industrial action andlabour movements. To nip the problem in the bud,Foxconn should change its ways and practices ofmanagement.
Terry Gou, who owns Foxconn, is a leadingTaiwan businessman. He is well spoken of for his waysof doing business and treating his employees. Forexample, he once personally arranged for eminentmonks from Mount Wutai to perform services atFoxconn in Shenzhen. He did so to solace hisemployees. Though one may say he put trifles beforeessentials, Terry Gou deserves praise for having hisemployees' welfare at heart. The company is urgentlyrecruiting psychotherapists and counsellors to helpemployees that have emotional problems. That showsTerry Gou is trying hard to address the problem.We have no idea what effective plans Terry Gouhas to help Foxconn employees in Shenzhen.
However, we believe the solution lies in "humanity". Ifthe company dumps its robot management (underwhich workers are regarded as machines), regardsthem as humans and respect them, they will work andlive happily, and no horrible stories like those about"the eleven consecutive jumps" will appear.
2010.05.26明報社評
富士康—物質豐腴企業 精神血汗工廠
深圳富士康廠區，昨日又有員工跳樓死亡，這是今年以來的第11 宗，已經釀成9 死2 重傷。富士康雖云員工衆多，但是5 個月之內員工密集跳樓尋死，肯定事不尋常。
一般而言，血汗工廠是指一間工廠的環境恐怖，工人在危險和困苦的環境工作，包括與有害物質、高熱、低溫、輻射為伍，兼且工時長、工資低等。記者採訪發現，富士康並非如此。員工對廠區建設、工作環境並無投訴。
不過，員工對工廠的管理有不少意見，包括上班時不能說話，要找人頂班才能上廁；平日工作間除了單調的機器聲音，寂靜無聲。回到宿舍，因為公司安排同一單位的工友住在不同房間，致使工友互不熟稔，另外，早晚更不同，回到宿舍只見到其他人睡覺，不好意思打擾。
這種情况下，若員工有交際能力，與一些同事相處得來，結伴吃飯、逛街，不會有情緒問題，但是有員工說，園內有不少年輕人面對男女感情和工作問題，上班不能說話，下班沒人傾訴，若個性內向，不易結識朋友，幾等於和外界斷絕，這些人就容易出事。
綜合上述情况，富士康就工廠硬件建設和待遇而言，並非一般定義上的血汗工廠，但是管理上存在一些非人性化做法（例如，被指刻意不讓工友之間熟稔、基層管理人員粗暴、存在責難打罵等），富士康被視為精神上的「另類血汗工廠」。
工廠的非人性化管理，不但磨蝕着個別員工的生命，其實也是滋生和累積不滿情緒的溫牀，乃發生醞釀工運和工潮的土壤，從防微杜漸出發，富士康也應該調整管理方式和措施。
富士康的老闆郭台銘是台灣大商家，他做生意的手法和對待員工一貫口碑甚佳，就以此事為例，他曾經親自安排五台山的高僧到富士康深圳廠區做法事，目的要使員工安心。這個做法，雖然有點捨本逐末，但是郭台銘以員工為念的之志，仍然應予肯定。富士康已在緊急招聘心理醫生和輔導人員，紓緩員工的情緒問題。這些舉措，顯示郭台銘在努力面對問題。
不知道郭台銘趕到深圳後有何善策良方解富士康員工之困，我們認為良方在「人性」二字，只要改變視員工為機器的「機械人管理」模式，視員工為一個人並予以尊重，則員工就會在愉悅的心境下工作、生活， 「11 連跳」的恐怖新聞才會畫上句號。
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2010年5月26日星期三
Travels
Travelling is a huge element of a gap year.When else in life would you have a wholeyear, or even a few months, dedicated tojust travel? It is the time to explore excitingparts of the world you have always wantedto go, to learn the culture, language, seeincredible places, make new friends, andheal that travel bug of yours.
This year, I have two main trips planned.Most of my gap-year friends wanted tosee the Asian antics of South East Asia,but I live in Hong Kong and have been toquite a few of the proposed places, so Iopted out on that plan. A lot of people takethe opportunity to buy a round-the-worldticket in order to go to all stretches of theworld-Australia and New Zealandbeing particularly popular.
I decided to do something different, orat least as unique as a 19-year-oldstudent can manage. As I studied Spanishat A-levels, I thought it would be a greatchance for me to consolidate ( 鞏固) thelanguage and to truly explore the cultureby spending 3 months in South America.
Touring incredible countries such as Brazil(people there actually speak Portuguese,not Spanish), Uruguay (烏拉圭), Paraguay(巴拉圭), Argentina, Chile, Bolivia (玻利維亞), Peru (秘魯) and Ecuador (厄瓜多爾), 3months really isn't enough.
After such exoticness (異國風情), I havejust a week of rest before I step up to thebiggest personal challenge of my life yet:The Arctic ( 北極圈). I will be spending 5weeks in the exquisite wilderness with myteam. With immense fitness, determinationand countless packages of dried food, wewill embark on ( 展開) the journey of ourlifetime. Whilst climbing glaciers, abseiling( 用繩索垂直下降) down crevasses ( 裂縫)camping in the middle of nowhere, we willbe investigating scientific projects directlyrelevant to the causes and effects of climatechange. We're not just altering our lives,we're aiming to make a change in society bycontributing to these vital projects.
For me, there is a lot more to travellingthan relaxing beachesand luxurious hotels, it is an experience tolearn from, a chance to discoversomething about yourself, and the time tostretch yourself to the limits... so I'mskipping the comfort factor and let's seehow far I can go!
Writer's ProfileAn unconventional boardingschool-educated gap year student who isabout to study at Oxford University.
text and photo by Amanda Yu
This year, I have two main trips planned.Most of my gap-year friends wanted tosee the Asian antics of South East Asia,but I live in Hong Kong and have been toquite a few of the proposed places, so Iopted out on that plan. A lot of people takethe opportunity to buy a round-the-worldticket in order to go to all stretches of theworld-Australia and New Zealandbeing particularly popular.
I decided to do something different, orat least as unique as a 19-year-oldstudent can manage. As I studied Spanishat A-levels, I thought it would be a greatchance for me to consolidate ( 鞏固) thelanguage and to truly explore the cultureby spending 3 months in South America.
Touring incredible countries such as Brazil(people there actually speak Portuguese,not Spanish), Uruguay (烏拉圭), Paraguay(巴拉圭), Argentina, Chile, Bolivia (玻利維亞), Peru (秘魯) and Ecuador (厄瓜多爾), 3months really isn't enough.
After such exoticness (異國風情), I havejust a week of rest before I step up to thebiggest personal challenge of my life yet:The Arctic ( 北極圈). I will be spending 5weeks in the exquisite wilderness with myteam. With immense fitness, determinationand countless packages of dried food, wewill embark on ( 展開) the journey of ourlifetime. Whilst climbing glaciers, abseiling( 用繩索垂直下降) down crevasses ( 裂縫)camping in the middle of nowhere, we willbe investigating scientific projects directlyrelevant to the causes and effects of climatechange. We're not just altering our lives,we're aiming to make a change in society bycontributing to these vital projects.
For me, there is a lot more to travellingthan relaxing beachesand luxurious hotels, it is an experience tolearn from, a chance to discoversomething about yourself, and the time tostretch yourself to the limits... so I'mskipping the comfort factor and let's seehow far I can go!
Writer's ProfileAn unconventional boardingschool-educated gap year student who isabout to study at Oxford University.
text and photo by Amanda Yu
續談 because 和 because of
今天繼續談because 和because of 的不同使用方法。
Because 是一個連詞，跟在後面的應該是有主詞和副詞的完整句子。Because of 因為後面有一個preposition 「of」，連接下來就需要一個名詞性短語， 也就是所謂nounphrase。
「名詞性短語」基本就是一個名詞，當然可以附帶一些修飾語。因此，rain 是名詞，heavy rain、pouring rain 都是名詞性短語，但作用還是一個名詞。
文法的解釋太過沉悶，現在舉一個實例。跟朋友約會，突然大雨滂沱，結果朋友遲了半個鐘才出現，他的理由是：
I couldn't get here earlier because it wasraining heavily.
同一個意思，用because of 的時候，就要把後面的那部分轉成名詞性短語：
I couldn't get here earlier because of theheavy rain.
下面兩個句子，大家可以測試一下。哪個應該用because，哪個應該用because of？He is not coming today _______ he is sick.He is not coming today _______ his sickness.
Fai (english@mingpao.com)
Have you any questions about English usage?
Don't hesitate to send them to us!
Because 是一個連詞，跟在後面的應該是有主詞和副詞的完整句子。Because of 因為後面有一個preposition 「of」，連接下來就需要一個名詞性短語， 也就是所謂nounphrase。
「名詞性短語」基本就是一個名詞，當然可以附帶一些修飾語。因此，rain 是名詞，heavy rain、pouring rain 都是名詞性短語，但作用還是一個名詞。
文法的解釋太過沉悶，現在舉一個實例。跟朋友約會，突然大雨滂沱，結果朋友遲了半個鐘才出現，他的理由是：
I couldn't get here earlier because it wasraining heavily.
同一個意思，用because of 的時候，就要把後面的那部分轉成名詞性短語：
I couldn't get here earlier because of theheavy rain.
下面兩個句子，大家可以測試一下。哪個應該用because，哪個應該用because of？He is not coming today _______ he is sick.He is not coming today _______ his sickness.
Fai (english@mingpao.com)
Have you any questions about English usage?
Don't hesitate to send them to us!
marilyn MONROE
Marilyn Monroe (瑪莉蓮夢露), born Norma Jeane Mortenson, later baptised NormaJeane Baker, was born on June 1, 1926, inLos Angeles, California. During herall-too-brief life, Marilyn Monroe overcame adifficult childhood to become one of theworld's biggest and most enduring ( 持久的)sex symbols. She never knew her father, andher mother Gladys developed psychiatric (精神病的) problems and was eventually placedin a mental institution. Growing up, Monroespent much of her time in foster care and inan orphanage (孤兒院) .
In 1942, Monroe went to work in amunitions ( 軍火) factory where she wasdiscovered by a photographer. Monroe had asuccessful career as a model. In 1946, shesigned her first movie contract. With themovie contract came a new name andimage, she began calling herself "MarilynMonroe" and dyed her hair blonde.
At only 36 years old, Marilyn Monroe diedon August 5, 1962, at her Los Angeles home.An empty bottle of sleeping pills were foundby her bed. There has been somespeculation ( 推測) over the years that shemay have been murdered, but it was officiallyruled as a drug overdose (服藥過量).
text provided byThe Biography Channel(now TV channel 222)
In 1942, Monroe went to work in amunitions ( 軍火) factory where she wasdiscovered by a photographer. Monroe had asuccessful career as a model. In 1946, shesigned her first movie contract. With themovie contract came a new name andimage, she began calling herself "MarilynMonroe" and dyed her hair blonde.
At only 36 years old, Marilyn Monroe diedon August 5, 1962, at her Los Angeles home.An empty bottle of sleeping pills were foundby her bed. There has been somespeculation ( 推測) over the years that shemay have been murdered, but it was officiallyruled as a drug overdose (服藥過量).
text provided byThe Biography Channel(now TV channel 222)
暢所欲言A-Z
Gauguin 高更
高更是法國後印象派畫家，他的早期作品追求形式簡化和色彩效果，但還沒有擺脫印象派的手法。他後來多次到法國布列塔尼的古老村莊創作，對當地的風土人情、民間版畫及東方繪畫風格很感興趣，逐漸放棄原來的畫法，用線條和強烈的色塊描繪土著民族及其生活，具濃厚的主觀色彩和裝飾效果。由於高更厭倦城市生活，嚮往原始部落生活的風習和藝術，他遠涉重洋到南太平洋上的一個島上生活和畫畫，直至去世。
相關字詞 Neo-impressionism 後印象派Vision After the Sermon《佈道後的幻象》
Galilei 伽利略
伽利略（Galileo Galilei，1564-1642） 是意大利文藝復興後期偉大的物理學家和天文學家，科學革命的先驅。他首先在科學實驗的基礎上融會貫通了數學、物理學和天文學三門知識，擴大、加深並改變了人類對物質運動和宇宙的認識，為牛頓（Newton） 建立的理論體系奠定了基礎，因此被稱為「近代科學之父」。今天，到意大利旅行的人，幾乎沒有不到比薩一遊。那裏的比薩斜塔不僅因為斜而不倒而聞名天下，也因為伽利略曾在斜塔頂層做過自由落體運動的實驗而舉世知名。
相關字詞astronomy 天文學the Tower of Pisa 比薩斜塔
Genesis 創世記
創世記是舊約聖經中的第一卷書，此書的英文名Genesis 來自希臘文的音譯，為「開始」的意思。據稱此書是摩西按上帝的啟示寫成，描寫了上帝用7 天創造天地萬物及人類的過程。它還記述了有關人類始祖亞當和夏娃因吃了分別善惡樹的果子而被逐出伊甸園、大洪水和挪亞方舟，以及人類試圖建造巴別塔等故事。
相關字詞Torah / Pentateuch 摩西五經Noah's Ark 挪亞方舟the Tower of Babel 巴別塔
上期得獎者：Angela Wong
運用以上任何一個字，撰寫一段約50字的英語段落，連同個人資料（姓名及地址）寄柴灣嘉業街18號明報工業中心A座15樓明報編輯部「通通識」，或電郵至english@mingpao.com，被抽中者即可獲贈由商務印書館送出《我敢讀英語話題詞——隨身聽讀版》一本，每期名額一個。
一起暢所欲言，閒話家常。融會文化及生活的語言，才是活的語言。逢周三刊出。
高更是法國後印象派畫家，他的早期作品追求形式簡化和色彩效果，但還沒有擺脫印象派的手法。他後來多次到法國布列塔尼的古老村莊創作，對當地的風土人情、民間版畫及東方繪畫風格很感興趣，逐漸放棄原來的畫法，用線條和強烈的色塊描繪土著民族及其生活，具濃厚的主觀色彩和裝飾效果。由於高更厭倦城市生活，嚮往原始部落生活的風習和藝術，他遠涉重洋到南太平洋上的一個島上生活和畫畫，直至去世。
相關字詞 Neo-impressionism 後印象派Vision After the Sermon《佈道後的幻象》
Galilei 伽利略
伽利略（Galileo Galilei，1564-1642） 是意大利文藝復興後期偉大的物理學家和天文學家，科學革命的先驅。他首先在科學實驗的基礎上融會貫通了數學、物理學和天文學三門知識，擴大、加深並改變了人類對物質運動和宇宙的認識，為牛頓（Newton） 建立的理論體系奠定了基礎，因此被稱為「近代科學之父」。今天，到意大利旅行的人，幾乎沒有不到比薩一遊。那裏的比薩斜塔不僅因為斜而不倒而聞名天下，也因為伽利略曾在斜塔頂層做過自由落體運動的實驗而舉世知名。
相關字詞astronomy 天文學the Tower of Pisa 比薩斜塔
Genesis 創世記
創世記是舊約聖經中的第一卷書，此書的英文名Genesis 來自希臘文的音譯，為「開始」的意思。據稱此書是摩西按上帝的啟示寫成，描寫了上帝用7 天創造天地萬物及人類的過程。它還記述了有關人類始祖亞當和夏娃因吃了分別善惡樹的果子而被逐出伊甸園、大洪水和挪亞方舟，以及人類試圖建造巴別塔等故事。
相關字詞Torah / Pentateuch 摩西五經Noah's Ark 挪亞方舟the Tower of Babel 巴別塔
上期得獎者：Angela Wong
運用以上任何一個字，撰寫一段約50字的英語段落，連同個人資料（姓名及地址）寄柴灣嘉業街18號明報工業中心A座15樓明報編輯部「通通識」，或電郵至english@mingpao.com，被抽中者即可獲贈由商務印書館送出《我敢讀英語話題詞——隨身聽讀版》一本，每期名額一個。
一起暢所欲言，閒話家常。融會文化及生活的語言，才是活的語言。逢周三刊出。
Brave step
THE meeting that took place yesterdaybetween central government officials andDemocrats is of great significance in that ithas opened a new chapter in Hong Kong politics. It iscalled an "ice ice--breaking meeting". However, as thedemocrats have been estranged from the centralauthorities for twenty twenty--one years and constitutionalarrangements are intricate, it is impossible to have allthe issues settled at one meeting. Nevertheless, itsgood success would decisively help shape HongKong's sensible, pragmatic political ecology. Asmatters stand, it depends on the central government'spleasure whether it will prove successful. The ball is inits court.
The central government had disencumbered itselfof a load before the officials met the Democrats. TheHong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic DemocraticMovements in China, set up because of the June 4incident, calls for ending one one--party rule. The centralgovernment therefore regards it as hostile. No centralofficials would openly have any dealings with anyAlliance members. Yesterday, six Democratsdialogued with central government officials. Amongthem are Albert Ho and Cheung Man Man--kwong. Both ofthem sit on the Alliance's standing committee, andAlbert Ho also serves as its secretary general. Suchcapacities of theirs had been no obstacle to themeeting. That shows moderatism has gained ground inBeijing.
The Democrats disapprove of the de factoreferendum strategy. They have sought to have talkswith the central government and pressed for aroadmap for introducing universal suffrage in the SAR.
They have come under huge pressure from the rest ofthe pan pan--democratic camp and exposed themselves tohuge political risk. Though the turnout at the May 16by by--election was low, the Democrats may have lostsome young voters. How that has impacted on theparty's political clout will become clear at the 2011District Council (DC) election and the 2012 LegislativeCouncil (Legco) election. In short, because there is noproof that its dialogue with central government officialswill produce real results, the Democratic Party is now"in the red".
Hong Kong must solve the problem ofdemocratising its political system lest it shouldcontinue to weaken amid endless internal strife.
Judging from what has happened over the pasttwenty twenty--five years, it is a must to dialogue with thecentral government with a view to resolving once andfor all the crux of the political system. That is whatresponsible political groups and politicians must do.
The Democrats took a courageous step when theydialogued with central government officials at hugepolitical risk. That manifests their political courage andcommitment.
The central government has taken a courageousstep as the Democrats have done. However, it doesnot follow that they can settle their differences.Dialogue is only a means.
The Democrats have asked that the centralgovernment define universal suffrage more specificallyso that Hong Kong people will be sure that they willexercise general universal suffrage in electing theirChief Executive in 2017 and their legislators in 2020.
This request is very reasonable. If what is referred to inthe December 2007 decision of the National People'sCongress Standing Committee as universal suffrage isgenuine universal suffrage, we cannot see the centralgovernment would have any insurmountable difficultydefining universal suffrage more clearly andspecifically.
The Democrats have suggested that the fiveadditional DC functional constituency (FC) seats andthe existing one be filled by candidates nominated byDC members and returned by "one man one vote".
The method of voting could be "single seat, singlevote" or one of proportional representation.
The Democrats have also proposed that, toensure its smooth transition to 2016 and 2020, Legcobe further democratised with a "one man, two votes"method. If this proposal is accepted, it will be clear thatHong Kong's constitutional system will move towardsuniversal suffrage. That would on another level boostHong Kong people's confidence that they willeventually enjoy genuine universal suffrage. For thisreason, we believe the central government would dowell to consider adopting it.
We hope the meeting between the Democrats andthe central government officials will bear such fruit thatHong Kong people will know dialogue is useful andmay have the positive effect of seeding updemocratisation. If this is the case, Hong Kong'spolitical ecology will develop healthily, and there will beno hotbed of radicalism.
明報英語網「雙語社評」english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
明報社評
中央民主黨邁出勇敢一步 塑造理性政治生態現契機
中央官員與民主黨成員昨日的會晤，給本港政治揭開新的一頁，意義重大。這次會晤雖然被視為「破冰之會」，但是民主派與中央隔閡21 年，而且政制安排錯綜複雜，一次會晤就解決全部問題的可能性不大，不過，若取得積極成果，對塑造本港理性務實的政治生態，會有決定性作用。從情况看來，這次會晤之成敗由中央掌控，現階段球在中央一方。
中央這次與民主黨會晤，首先要放下了一個包袱。因為六四事件成立的支聯會，包括提出「結束一黨專政」，中央就此視支聯會為敵對組織，一直以來拒絕與支聯會的人公開交往。民主黨與中央對話的66 人，其中何俊仁和張文光是支聯會常委，何俊仁更是秘書，他們這個身分對會晤並未構成障礙，顯示中方陣營也是溫和取態抬頭。
民主黨不認同公投路線，尋求與中央溝通，爭取終極普選路線圖，數月以來，對其立場質疑之流言蜚語不少， 民主黨在泛民陣營承受巨大壓力，政治風險極高。55．．16 補選所見，投票率雖低，但是經此一役，相信民主黨會流失部分年輕選民的選票，對民主黨政治能量的影響，明年的區議會和後年的立法會選舉，會是考驗。總之，眼前由於未能證明與中央溝通對話可以獲得實質成果，民主黨是處於「虧損」狀態。
若想香港不再在無窮無盡的內耗中衰弱下去，必先解決政治體制的民主化問題。根據過去25 年的經驗，與中央溝通對話，尋求徹底解決政制死結是必由之路，也是負責任政團和政治人物的必然選擇。民主黨甘冒巨大政治風險，與中央溝通，邁出勇敢一步，也是政治勇氣和承擔的表現。
中央和民主黨都邁出勇敢一步，不等於雙方分歧得以解決，溝通只是手段。
民主黨要求中央就普選定義作出更具體闡述，使港人可以安心2017 年普選特首和2020 年普選立法會，是「真普選」。這個訴求，其實甚為合理。若中央在2007 年12月人大常委會《決定》給予香港的是真普選，則就普選定義作更清晰明確闡述，看不到不可踰越困難。關於2012 年立法會選舉安排，民主黨建議55 席區議會新增功能組別議席，連同原有區議會功能組別議席，由區議員提名，由市民以一人一票選舉產生，方式可以是比例代表制或單議席單票制。
民主黨的建議以一人兩票方式，增加立法會民主成分，以過渡到2016 和2020 年，若獲接納，則顯示整體政制安排是朝着普選、民主化進發，從另一個層面強化港人對最終朝向「真普選」的信心。基於此，我們認為值得中央考慮。
我們希望中央與民主黨的會晤有積極成果，使港人知道溝通、對話是有用的，可以起到推動民主化的積極效果，這樣的話，香港政治生態朝着良性方向發展，激進取態就會失去滋長的土壤。
2010.05.25
The central government had disencumbered itselfof a load before the officials met the Democrats. TheHong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic DemocraticMovements in China, set up because of the June 4incident, calls for ending one one--party rule. The centralgovernment therefore regards it as hostile. No centralofficials would openly have any dealings with anyAlliance members. Yesterday, six Democratsdialogued with central government officials. Amongthem are Albert Ho and Cheung Man Man--kwong. Both ofthem sit on the Alliance's standing committee, andAlbert Ho also serves as its secretary general. Suchcapacities of theirs had been no obstacle to themeeting. That shows moderatism has gained ground inBeijing.
The Democrats disapprove of the de factoreferendum strategy. They have sought to have talkswith the central government and pressed for aroadmap for introducing universal suffrage in the SAR.
They have come under huge pressure from the rest ofthe pan pan--democratic camp and exposed themselves tohuge political risk. Though the turnout at the May 16by by--election was low, the Democrats may have lostsome young voters. How that has impacted on theparty's political clout will become clear at the 2011District Council (DC) election and the 2012 LegislativeCouncil (Legco) election. In short, because there is noproof that its dialogue with central government officialswill produce real results, the Democratic Party is now"in the red".
Hong Kong must solve the problem ofdemocratising its political system lest it shouldcontinue to weaken amid endless internal strife.
Judging from what has happened over the pasttwenty twenty--five years, it is a must to dialogue with thecentral government with a view to resolving once andfor all the crux of the political system. That is whatresponsible political groups and politicians must do.
The Democrats took a courageous step when theydialogued with central government officials at hugepolitical risk. That manifests their political courage andcommitment.
The central government has taken a courageousstep as the Democrats have done. However, it doesnot follow that they can settle their differences.Dialogue is only a means.
The Democrats have asked that the centralgovernment define universal suffrage more specificallyso that Hong Kong people will be sure that they willexercise general universal suffrage in electing theirChief Executive in 2017 and their legislators in 2020.
This request is very reasonable. If what is referred to inthe December 2007 decision of the National People'sCongress Standing Committee as universal suffrage isgenuine universal suffrage, we cannot see the centralgovernment would have any insurmountable difficultydefining universal suffrage more clearly andspecifically.
The Democrats have suggested that the fiveadditional DC functional constituency (FC) seats andthe existing one be filled by candidates nominated byDC members and returned by "one man one vote".
The method of voting could be "single seat, singlevote" or one of proportional representation.
The Democrats have also proposed that, toensure its smooth transition to 2016 and 2020, Legcobe further democratised with a "one man, two votes"method. If this proposal is accepted, it will be clear thatHong Kong's constitutional system will move towardsuniversal suffrage. That would on another level boostHong Kong people's confidence that they willeventually enjoy genuine universal suffrage. For thisreason, we believe the central government would dowell to consider adopting it.
We hope the meeting between the Democrats andthe central government officials will bear such fruit thatHong Kong people will know dialogue is useful andmay have the positive effect of seeding updemocratisation. If this is the case, Hong Kong'spolitical ecology will develop healthily, and there will beno hotbed of radicalism.
明報英語網「雙語社評」english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
明報社評
中央民主黨邁出勇敢一步 塑造理性政治生態現契機
中央官員與民主黨成員昨日的會晤，給本港政治揭開新的一頁，意義重大。這次會晤雖然被視為「破冰之會」，但是民主派與中央隔閡21 年，而且政制安排錯綜複雜，一次會晤就解決全部問題的可能性不大，不過，若取得積極成果，對塑造本港理性務實的政治生態，會有決定性作用。從情况看來，這次會晤之成敗由中央掌控，現階段球在中央一方。
中央這次與民主黨會晤，首先要放下了一個包袱。因為六四事件成立的支聯會，包括提出「結束一黨專政」，中央就此視支聯會為敵對組織，一直以來拒絕與支聯會的人公開交往。民主黨與中央對話的66 人，其中何俊仁和張文光是支聯會常委，何俊仁更是秘書，他們這個身分對會晤並未構成障礙，顯示中方陣營也是溫和取態抬頭。
民主黨不認同公投路線，尋求與中央溝通，爭取終極普選路線圖，數月以來，對其立場質疑之流言蜚語不少， 民主黨在泛民陣營承受巨大壓力，政治風險極高。55．．16 補選所見，投票率雖低，但是經此一役，相信民主黨會流失部分年輕選民的選票，對民主黨政治能量的影響，明年的區議會和後年的立法會選舉，會是考驗。總之，眼前由於未能證明與中央溝通對話可以獲得實質成果，民主黨是處於「虧損」狀態。
若想香港不再在無窮無盡的內耗中衰弱下去，必先解決政治體制的民主化問題。根據過去25 年的經驗，與中央溝通對話，尋求徹底解決政制死結是必由之路，也是負責任政團和政治人物的必然選擇。民主黨甘冒巨大政治風險，與中央溝通，邁出勇敢一步，也是政治勇氣和承擔的表現。
中央和民主黨都邁出勇敢一步，不等於雙方分歧得以解決，溝通只是手段。
民主黨要求中央就普選定義作出更具體闡述，使港人可以安心2017 年普選特首和2020 年普選立法會，是「真普選」。這個訴求，其實甚為合理。若中央在2007 年12月人大常委會《決定》給予香港的是真普選，則就普選定義作更清晰明確闡述，看不到不可踰越困難。關於2012 年立法會選舉安排，民主黨建議55 席區議會新增功能組別議席，連同原有區議會功能組別議席，由區議員提名，由市民以一人一票選舉產生，方式可以是比例代表制或單議席單票制。
民主黨的建議以一人兩票方式，增加立法會民主成分，以過渡到2016 和2020 年，若獲接納，則顯示整體政制安排是朝着普選、民主化進發，從另一個層面強化港人對最終朝向「真普選」的信心。基於此，我們認為值得中央考慮。
我們希望中央與民主黨的會晤有積極成果，使港人知道溝通、對話是有用的，可以起到推動民主化的積極效果，這樣的話，香港政治生態朝着良性方向發展，激進取態就會失去滋長的土壤。
2010.05.25
Pendulum swings away from yuan
China and the United States have concluded their latest round of Strategic and Economic Dialogue in Beijing.
Perhaps most notable was the lack of rhetoric over the touchy issue of yuan valuation - especially since it was only a few months ago when the Americans revived their demand for the mainland to strengthen its currency.
Renewed concern over the debt crisis facing European countries was certainly a factor in the talks, hailed by President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao as a major success.
But did the lack of rhetoric mean Washington has given up its quest for a stronger yuan? Nobody believes so. But what was evident in the dialogue was a willingness on both sides to let pragmatism reign - at least for the time being.
The dialogue was practical in the sense that instead of haggling over something both China and the United States couldn't possibly reach agreement on overnight - like the yuan valuation - they concentrated on far less-sensitive subjects.
What could be less political than clean energy? Prior to the talks, US Commerce Secretary Gary Locke led a huge delegation of key American players in clean energy to explore business opportunities in China.
This is a move that can't fail. While the United States has the technology in green energy, it's China's national policy to move toward a development mode calling for greater use of more clean energy. Commerce Minister Chen Deming made it clear the mainland is willing to work for closer cooperation in this area.
There is a pressing need for US President Barack Obama to be pragmatic with China this time around. After pushing through bills to reform public health care and Wall Street banks, Obama is under pressure to help US firms win business and create more jobs for American citizens. Letting the unemployment rate hover around 10 percent is simply not an option if he has designs on winning a second presidential term.
China is currently the third-largest market for US exports, and everybody knows there is no market globally that presents greater growth potential for American goods and service. Without Chinese cooperation, Obama will face an even tougher battle against unemployment back home.
Obama has set himself an ambitious target. When he created a new Cabinet- level body to boost export trade two months ago, he vowed to double US exports over the next five years.
Instead of arm-wrestling with Beijing on yuan exchange rates that Hu emphasized China will reform at its own pace, it would be more constructive to concentrate on other achievable goals with domestic bearing.
There are also other more-pressing issues warranting cooperation between the two powers to prevent them from escalating into crisis, including sanctions against Iran over its nuclear program, the sinking of a South Korean warship by North Korea, and the current European financial crisis.
China is aware of its advantageous position. Therefore, Vice Premier Wang Qishan was straightforward in demanding the United States provide a timetable and road map for lifting restrictions on exports of cutting-edge US technology.
英文虎報 Central Station | By Mary Ma
Perhaps most notable was the lack of rhetoric over the touchy issue of yuan valuation - especially since it was only a few months ago when the Americans revived their demand for the mainland to strengthen its currency.
Renewed concern over the debt crisis facing European countries was certainly a factor in the talks, hailed by President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao as a major success.
But did the lack of rhetoric mean Washington has given up its quest for a stronger yuan? Nobody believes so. But what was evident in the dialogue was a willingness on both sides to let pragmatism reign - at least for the time being.
The dialogue was practical in the sense that instead of haggling over something both China and the United States couldn't possibly reach agreement on overnight - like the yuan valuation - they concentrated on far less-sensitive subjects.
What could be less political than clean energy? Prior to the talks, US Commerce Secretary Gary Locke led a huge delegation of key American players in clean energy to explore business opportunities in China.
This is a move that can't fail. While the United States has the technology in green energy, it's China's national policy to move toward a development mode calling for greater use of more clean energy. Commerce Minister Chen Deming made it clear the mainland is willing to work for closer cooperation in this area.
There is a pressing need for US President Barack Obama to be pragmatic with China this time around. After pushing through bills to reform public health care and Wall Street banks, Obama is under pressure to help US firms win business and create more jobs for American citizens. Letting the unemployment rate hover around 10 percent is simply not an option if he has designs on winning a second presidential term.
China is currently the third-largest market for US exports, and everybody knows there is no market globally that presents greater growth potential for American goods and service. Without Chinese cooperation, Obama will face an even tougher battle against unemployment back home.
Obama has set himself an ambitious target. When he created a new Cabinet- level body to boost export trade two months ago, he vowed to double US exports over the next five years.
Instead of arm-wrestling with Beijing on yuan exchange rates that Hu emphasized China will reform at its own pace, it would be more constructive to concentrate on other achievable goals with domestic bearing.
There are also other more-pressing issues warranting cooperation between the two powers to prevent them from escalating into crisis, including sanctions against Iran over its nuclear program, the sinking of a South Korean warship by North Korea, and the current European financial crisis.
China is aware of its advantageous position. Therefore, Vice Premier Wang Qishan was straightforward in demanding the United States provide a timetable and road map for lifting restrictions on exports of cutting-edge US technology.
英文虎報 Central Station | By Mary Ma
2010年5月25日星期二
Dialogue trumps debate
At long last, the Democratic Party formally met with central government officials.
The meeting at the Central Liaison Office in Hong Kong is a symbolic breakthrough both the Democrats and Beijing have been trying to achieve on the question of political development. But the way forward is still clouded with uncertainties.
Pessimism still reigns because the progress doesn't necessarily mean the Democrats will vote for the 2012 electoral package. Much more needs to be done before that could happen.
It's clear Beijing has given higher priority to winning over the Democrats rather than wooing others. Instead of holding the first formal meeting with the Alliance for Universal Suffrage, Central Liaison Office deputy director Li Gang opted for the Democrats. Why?
First, both the Democratic Party and alliance are nearly identical in their quests. But the Democrats are the most organized political bloc in the group. Instead of appealing to moderates in general, it makes sense to cultivate special ties with the core bloc.
Beijing has shown sincerity in working toward the 2012 package's passage, and it's plausible the central government has a more grandiose plan in mind.
As I've said, Hong Kong has been hampered by political bickering all these years. Had it not been for the endless arguments cursing the SAR, Hong Kong could have been steps ahead from where it is now. It's fine and dandy if authorities can win over three or four more opposition votes to back the package, but this alone can't alleviate the fundamental concern of brinkmanship. To solve the problem conclusively, it will be strategic to improve ties with the biggest opposition party. If the package is rejected, society may also become more radical.
While I believe even the Democrats hope the electoral proposal will pass, it's hard to say if things will go according to plan. How will Beijing respond to the Democrats' list of demands?
While it's anybody's guess, Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen uttered the hard truth yesterday when he admitted at a public function that nobody can be optimistic at this stage.
There are bound to be partisan interests to overcome in the search for the community's interest. The key in breaking the deadlock lies in the will of the concerned parties - pro- establishment and opposition included - to place the SAR's interests ahead of their own party interests. In countries of mature political culture, the national interest is always paramount.
Frankly, I'm baffled by Tsang's challenge to Civic Party lawmaker Audrey Eu Yuet-mee to debate him on television. He may be right in arguing a TV debate will help the public better understand the issue. But don't the opinion polls indicate the majority of people already support the 2012 package?
I wonder what additional benefits can be gained from a high-profile debate. Perhaps Democratic Party vanguard Szeto Wah put it best when he suggested it was aimed at cracking the opposition. If that's the case, it shouldn't be done by the government.
Let's not lose sight of the goal. What really matters is the moderates' dialogue with Beijing - not the debate.
英文虎報 Central Station | By Mary Ma
The meeting at the Central Liaison Office in Hong Kong is a symbolic breakthrough both the Democrats and Beijing have been trying to achieve on the question of political development. But the way forward is still clouded with uncertainties.
Pessimism still reigns because the progress doesn't necessarily mean the Democrats will vote for the 2012 electoral package. Much more needs to be done before that could happen.
It's clear Beijing has given higher priority to winning over the Democrats rather than wooing others. Instead of holding the first formal meeting with the Alliance for Universal Suffrage, Central Liaison Office deputy director Li Gang opted for the Democrats. Why?
First, both the Democratic Party and alliance are nearly identical in their quests. But the Democrats are the most organized political bloc in the group. Instead of appealing to moderates in general, it makes sense to cultivate special ties with the core bloc.
Beijing has shown sincerity in working toward the 2012 package's passage, and it's plausible the central government has a more grandiose plan in mind.
As I've said, Hong Kong has been hampered by political bickering all these years. Had it not been for the endless arguments cursing the SAR, Hong Kong could have been steps ahead from where it is now. It's fine and dandy if authorities can win over three or four more opposition votes to back the package, but this alone can't alleviate the fundamental concern of brinkmanship. To solve the problem conclusively, it will be strategic to improve ties with the biggest opposition party. If the package is rejected, society may also become more radical.
While I believe even the Democrats hope the electoral proposal will pass, it's hard to say if things will go according to plan. How will Beijing respond to the Democrats' list of demands?
While it's anybody's guess, Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen uttered the hard truth yesterday when he admitted at a public function that nobody can be optimistic at this stage.
There are bound to be partisan interests to overcome in the search for the community's interest. The key in breaking the deadlock lies in the will of the concerned parties - pro- establishment and opposition included - to place the SAR's interests ahead of their own party interests. In countries of mature political culture, the national interest is always paramount.
Frankly, I'm baffled by Tsang's challenge to Civic Party lawmaker Audrey Eu Yuet-mee to debate him on television. He may be right in arguing a TV debate will help the public better understand the issue. But don't the opinion polls indicate the majority of people already support the 2012 package?
I wonder what additional benefits can be gained from a high-profile debate. Perhaps Democratic Party vanguard Szeto Wah put it best when he suggested it was aimed at cracking the opposition. If that's the case, it shouldn't be done by the government.
Let's not lose sight of the goal. What really matters is the moderates' dialogue with Beijing - not the debate.
英文虎報 Central Station | By Mary Ma
通通識 Editorial
A German volunteer who has long taught "leftbehind children" (whose parents work in citiesand who live alone or are looked after by theirrelatives in their villages) used to keep a blog and writeabout his thoughts. Last year CCTV interviewed him.
Some days ago he suddenly shut his blog down. Thevolunteer reportedly said he could not endure "theconsequences, responsibility and stress". Many thinkhe has been warned because he has revealed that"left behind children" are not adequately looked afterand, for that reason, he cannot but keep a low profile.
Eckart Loewe, the volunteer, who was born in1968 in Germany, once pursued his studies in China.
For more than ten years he has taught in a poor villagein China and looked after "left behind children" there.
According to an All All--China Women's Federationsurvey whose findings were published in May last year,there are more than 300 millions minors in China.
There are about 58 million left behind children in ruralareas, of whom more than 40 million are under 14. Thesurvey shows left behind children aredelinquency delinquency--prone. It can be imagined that suchchildren, deprived of parental discipline, may do poorlyin school and are liable to go astray.
Loewe has indeed described poverty in ruralChina. He has directly helped impoverished families. Ifmore people are aware of what he has seen, more willlend children in rural areas a helping hand. Chinesepeople ought to have offered the foreigner from afartheir sincere thanks. However, Loewe's blog has beenshut down. It can thus be imagined that officials incharge of such matters do not think so. They may thinkLoewe has unveiled an inglorious aspect of China.
They may fear people may ask why the governmenthas taken no measures to help the several ten million"left behind children and whether planning officialshave made mistakes.
The Chinese authorities are hostile towardsoutsiders and non non--mainland non non--governmentalorganisations (NGOs) that help Chinese people. LastFebruary, an urgent circular was sent purportedly fromthe leading Party group of the Ministry of Education totertiary institutes. It said that Oxfam Hong Kong ran itsuniversity student volunteer programme on themainland with bad motives and that its top managerswere leading figures of the opposition. Tertiaryinstitutes were told not to have anything to do with theNGO. Oxfam Hong Kong immediately suspended theprogramme.
Though the NGO's case is not entirely similar toLoewe's, they point to the mainland authorities' ideaabout voluntary work - that foreigners and foreignNGOs are welcome to do anti anti--poverty work in China,but they must confine themselves to poverty alleviationand they have no business to concern themselves withwhether China's policies are unfair. Anti-povertyworkers help those in the lowest social stratum.
Nevertheless, those people are poor most probablybecause the government's welfare policy is misguided,resources are unfairly distributed, citizens' rights arenot protected or local officials are corrupt and prone toabuse their powers. For example, left behind childrenhave problems because the authorities have pursuedtheir policy of encourage people to work elsewherewithout providing them with adequate support. Theblame rests on the authorities.
Provincial and municipal governments should notbe paranoiac. They should earnestly make an effort toimprove the people's wellbeing instead of trying torepress welldoers or to prevent foreign groups frominfiltrating into China under the guise of NGOs orforeigners from exposing the dark side of rural areas.
明報英語網「雙語社評」
english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
千萬「留守兒童」欠缺照顧 內地不應逼義工噤聲
一名德國籍義工長期在廣西貧困農村學校教育「留守兒童」（父母皆到城市打工，被留在農村獨自生活或交親友照顧的兒童），把箇中體會寫上網誌，去年更獲中央電視台專訪；但近日網誌突然關閉，更寫上該義工自稱承擔不了「後果、責任和壓力」的字句，外界估計他因揭露內地對留守兒童照顧不足而被警告，被迫「低調」行事。
該名德國籍義工盧安克（ Eckart Loewe Loewe）， ），1968 年生於德國，曾於中國留學， ，10 10 多年來一直在中國貧困農村當教師，並照顧當地的留守兒童。
根據全國婦聯去年55 月公布的調查，中國有33 億多未成年人士，約有5800 萬是農村留守兒童，其中4000 多萬是14 歲以下的小孩，即是說，上千萬個家庭都面對留守兒童的問題。調查更指出，部分留守兒童已成為青少年違法犯罪的高危人群。可以想像，這批兒童沒有父母管教，書讀得不好，也可能會學壞。
盧確實是點出了中國農村困苦的一面，並身體力行地服務貧困家庭。他的所見所聞讓外界知悉，只會讓更多有心扶助農村兒童的人伸出援手，中國人應向這位遠道而來的「老外」誠心道謝才是。但從盧的網誌被關閉就可以想像，主事官員並不是這麼想。他們也許認為，盧揭露了中國社會不光彩的一面，更甚的是，外界同時會質疑，為什麼政府沒有相應的政策協助這批數以千萬計的「留守兒童」，負責規劃的官員是否有過失等等。
中國政府對外地前來施以援手的人士及非政府組織（NGO NGO）抱有敵意。今年）22 月，內地突然流傳一封署名「中共教育部黨組」向全國高校發放的緊急通知，指香港樂施會在內地舉辦的大學生志願者計劃「用心不善」，又指樂施會負責人是「反對派骨幹」，要求學校斷絕來往，香港樂施會旋即暫停相關計劃。
樂施會事件雖然與德籍義工盧安克的情况不盡相同，卻反映了內地政府的同一個思維，就是雖然歡迎外地義工或NGO 到中國扶貧，但只限於扶貧本身，政府政策是否不公平是絕對不能碰的。但弔詭的是，扶貧工作對象是社會的最低層，他們貧窮的原因往往涉及福利政策欠周詳、資源分配不公、個人權益不受保障，甚至是地方權貴貪污濫權等。就以留守兒童為例，明顯就是中國鼓勵農民出外打工政策的配套不周而造成，政府負有不可推卸的責任。
各地省市政府與其天天疑心生暗鬼，把精力用於防範外國勢力假借NGO 之名入侵中國，防範老外義工把農村的陰暗面曝露於人前，忙於打壓好人，不如切切實實把精力用於改善人民的福祉吧。
明報社評 2010.05.24
Some days ago he suddenly shut his blog down. Thevolunteer reportedly said he could not endure "theconsequences, responsibility and stress". Many thinkhe has been warned because he has revealed that"left behind children" are not adequately looked afterand, for that reason, he cannot but keep a low profile.
Eckart Loewe, the volunteer, who was born in1968 in Germany, once pursued his studies in China.
For more than ten years he has taught in a poor villagein China and looked after "left behind children" there.
According to an All All--China Women's Federationsurvey whose findings were published in May last year,there are more than 300 millions minors in China.
There are about 58 million left behind children in ruralareas, of whom more than 40 million are under 14. Thesurvey shows left behind children aredelinquency delinquency--prone. It can be imagined that suchchildren, deprived of parental discipline, may do poorlyin school and are liable to go astray.
Loewe has indeed described poverty in ruralChina. He has directly helped impoverished families. Ifmore people are aware of what he has seen, more willlend children in rural areas a helping hand. Chinesepeople ought to have offered the foreigner from afartheir sincere thanks. However, Loewe's blog has beenshut down. It can thus be imagined that officials incharge of such matters do not think so. They may thinkLoewe has unveiled an inglorious aspect of China.
They may fear people may ask why the governmenthas taken no measures to help the several ten million"left behind children and whether planning officialshave made mistakes.
The Chinese authorities are hostile towardsoutsiders and non non--mainland non non--governmentalorganisations (NGOs) that help Chinese people. LastFebruary, an urgent circular was sent purportedly fromthe leading Party group of the Ministry of Education totertiary institutes. It said that Oxfam Hong Kong ran itsuniversity student volunteer programme on themainland with bad motives and that its top managerswere leading figures of the opposition. Tertiaryinstitutes were told not to have anything to do with theNGO. Oxfam Hong Kong immediately suspended theprogramme.
Though the NGO's case is not entirely similar toLoewe's, they point to the mainland authorities' ideaabout voluntary work - that foreigners and foreignNGOs are welcome to do anti anti--poverty work in China,but they must confine themselves to poverty alleviationand they have no business to concern themselves withwhether China's policies are unfair. Anti-povertyworkers help those in the lowest social stratum.
Nevertheless, those people are poor most probablybecause the government's welfare policy is misguided,resources are unfairly distributed, citizens' rights arenot protected or local officials are corrupt and prone toabuse their powers. For example, left behind childrenhave problems because the authorities have pursuedtheir policy of encourage people to work elsewherewithout providing them with adequate support. Theblame rests on the authorities.
Provincial and municipal governments should notbe paranoiac. They should earnestly make an effort toimprove the people's wellbeing instead of trying torepress welldoers or to prevent foreign groups frominfiltrating into China under the guise of NGOs orforeigners from exposing the dark side of rural areas.
明報英語網「雙語社評」
english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
千萬「留守兒童」欠缺照顧 內地不應逼義工噤聲
一名德國籍義工長期在廣西貧困農村學校教育「留守兒童」（父母皆到城市打工，被留在農村獨自生活或交親友照顧的兒童），把箇中體會寫上網誌，去年更獲中央電視台專訪；但近日網誌突然關閉，更寫上該義工自稱承擔不了「後果、責任和壓力」的字句，外界估計他因揭露內地對留守兒童照顧不足而被警告，被迫「低調」行事。
該名德國籍義工盧安克（ Eckart Loewe Loewe）， ），1968 年生於德國，曾於中國留學， ，10 10 多年來一直在中國貧困農村當教師，並照顧當地的留守兒童。
根據全國婦聯去年55 月公布的調查，中國有33 億多未成年人士，約有5800 萬是農村留守兒童，其中4000 多萬是14 歲以下的小孩，即是說，上千萬個家庭都面對留守兒童的問題。調查更指出，部分留守兒童已成為青少年違法犯罪的高危人群。可以想像，這批兒童沒有父母管教，書讀得不好，也可能會學壞。
盧確實是點出了中國農村困苦的一面，並身體力行地服務貧困家庭。他的所見所聞讓外界知悉，只會讓更多有心扶助農村兒童的人伸出援手，中國人應向這位遠道而來的「老外」誠心道謝才是。但從盧的網誌被關閉就可以想像，主事官員並不是這麼想。他們也許認為，盧揭露了中國社會不光彩的一面，更甚的是，外界同時會質疑，為什麼政府沒有相應的政策協助這批數以千萬計的「留守兒童」，負責規劃的官員是否有過失等等。
中國政府對外地前來施以援手的人士及非政府組織（NGO NGO）抱有敵意。今年）22 月，內地突然流傳一封署名「中共教育部黨組」向全國高校發放的緊急通知，指香港樂施會在內地舉辦的大學生志願者計劃「用心不善」，又指樂施會負責人是「反對派骨幹」，要求學校斷絕來往，香港樂施會旋即暫停相關計劃。
樂施會事件雖然與德籍義工盧安克的情况不盡相同，卻反映了內地政府的同一個思維，就是雖然歡迎外地義工或NGO 到中國扶貧，但只限於扶貧本身，政府政策是否不公平是絕對不能碰的。但弔詭的是，扶貧工作對象是社會的最低層，他們貧窮的原因往往涉及福利政策欠周詳、資源分配不公、個人權益不受保障，甚至是地方權貴貪污濫權等。就以留守兒童為例，明顯就是中國鼓勵農民出外打工政策的配套不周而造成，政府負有不可推卸的責任。
各地省市政府與其天天疑心生暗鬼，把精力用於防範外國勢力假借NGO 之名入侵中國，防範老外義工把農村的陰暗面曝露於人前，忙於打壓好人，不如切切實實把精力用於改善人民的福祉吧。
明報社評 2010.05.24
2010年5月24日星期一
Clue to a fickle housing market
A government land site for residential units in Fan Ling goes on the block today and it will be intriguing to see how the market responds - less than two weeks after a Tung Chung lot auction got hammered.
The sale comes just days after the Housing Society's relaunch of its remaining stock of Sandwich Class Housing Scheme units drew a lackluster response from potential buyers. At its Tai Hang sales office on Friday, more than 40 percent of potential buyers invited failed to show up.
While the phenomenon is baffling, it is also alarming.
Sandwich class housing is a subsidized program similar to the Home Ownership Scheme. It was introduced in the mid-1990s to sell flats to middle- class families - the sandwich class - at concessionary prices. Buyers were subject to income limits and a five-year resale restriction. But it was shelved by the former Tung Chee-hwa administration in a desperate bid to restore stability to the housing market after the Asian financial crisis.
Under pressure, the Housing Society reintroduced 838 units to the market to increase housing supply. Given the fact that the stock was oversubscribed by more than 40 times, few people would possibly expect the no-shows to be so serious, though it would be normal to see a few absentees.
All of a sudden, what has dampened the IPO fever seems to be happening in the housing market too. It is legitimate to ask why so many people opted out at the last minute.
Some are saying the buyers are waiting for the 4,000 HOS units that are due to be sold soon. But I think the lackluster response has more to do with the correction taking place in the private housing market, where prices have fallen by about 10 percent in a number of estates.
As I have often said, customers are clever. They know what they want most, and do not need the government to tell them if it is a wise purchase or not.
It is clear that, seeing a narrowing of price differences following the correction in private housing, many buyers have decided to adopt a wait-and-see attitude. For example, flats at sandwich class housing project The Pinnacle are being sold for some HK$3,000 per square foot. But Metro City, just right next to it, is being sold for about HK$4,200 psf in the secondary market.
Doesn't this, along with past experiences, confirm that buyers prefer private housing to subsidized home ownership flats?
The government is right now consulting the public on whether or not it is necessary for it to subsidize home ownership. While housing minister Eva Cheng Yu-wah and others want a resumption of HOS building, the poor response on the first day of the sandwich class housing relaunch provides a timely reminder there are more factors that need to be considered in forward planning.
Market situations can change swiftly. If the market trend has prompted so many to ignore sandwich class housing now, will it still be necessary to reintroduce a subsidized home ownership scheme?
The government has to tread carefully. The situation is murky nowadays and it is difficult to say which way the market is heading. The Tung Chung site failed to excite buying interest, but a week later a site on The Peak was sold for a record price. What will be the outcome of the Fan Ling site auction today?
While it is anybody's guess, the market is already lowering its expectations. Surveyors are predicting the site - which offers a floor space of 575,000 sq ft - will be sold for up to HK$1.4 billion, about 10 percent down from earlier projections.
Let's see if the outcome will provide another clue to the way forward.
英文虎報 Central Station | By Mary Ma
The sale comes just days after the Housing Society's relaunch of its remaining stock of Sandwich Class Housing Scheme units drew a lackluster response from potential buyers. At its Tai Hang sales office on Friday, more than 40 percent of potential buyers invited failed to show up.
While the phenomenon is baffling, it is also alarming.
Sandwich class housing is a subsidized program similar to the Home Ownership Scheme. It was introduced in the mid-1990s to sell flats to middle- class families - the sandwich class - at concessionary prices. Buyers were subject to income limits and a five-year resale restriction. But it was shelved by the former Tung Chee-hwa administration in a desperate bid to restore stability to the housing market after the Asian financial crisis.
Under pressure, the Housing Society reintroduced 838 units to the market to increase housing supply. Given the fact that the stock was oversubscribed by more than 40 times, few people would possibly expect the no-shows to be so serious, though it would be normal to see a few absentees.
All of a sudden, what has dampened the IPO fever seems to be happening in the housing market too. It is legitimate to ask why so many people opted out at the last minute.
Some are saying the buyers are waiting for the 4,000 HOS units that are due to be sold soon. But I think the lackluster response has more to do with the correction taking place in the private housing market, where prices have fallen by about 10 percent in a number of estates.
As I have often said, customers are clever. They know what they want most, and do not need the government to tell them if it is a wise purchase or not.
It is clear that, seeing a narrowing of price differences following the correction in private housing, many buyers have decided to adopt a wait-and-see attitude. For example, flats at sandwich class housing project The Pinnacle are being sold for some HK$3,000 per square foot. But Metro City, just right next to it, is being sold for about HK$4,200 psf in the secondary market.
Doesn't this, along with past experiences, confirm that buyers prefer private housing to subsidized home ownership flats?
The government is right now consulting the public on whether or not it is necessary for it to subsidize home ownership. While housing minister Eva Cheng Yu-wah and others want a resumption of HOS building, the poor response on the first day of the sandwich class housing relaunch provides a timely reminder there are more factors that need to be considered in forward planning.
Market situations can change swiftly. If the market trend has prompted so many to ignore sandwich class housing now, will it still be necessary to reintroduce a subsidized home ownership scheme?
The government has to tread carefully. The situation is murky nowadays and it is difficult to say which way the market is heading. The Tung Chung site failed to excite buying interest, but a week later a site on The Peak was sold for a record price. What will be the outcome of the Fan Ling site auction today?
While it is anybody's guess, the market is already lowering its expectations. Surveyors are predicting the site - which offers a floor space of 575,000 sq ft - will be sold for up to HK$1.4 billion, about 10 percent down from earlier projections.
Let's see if the outcome will provide another clue to the way forward.
英文虎報 Central Station | By Mary Ma
Community engagement
HAVING learned a lesson from what happenedin 2005, the government has adopted a totallydifferent way to consult the public aboutconstitutional reform. It has decided to have principaland bureau secretaries engage the community to drumup support. Yesterday Chief Secretary fired the firstshot. He went to a secondary school to dialogue withits teachers and students. It manifests their opennessand progressiveness for top officials to get out of thegovernment headquarters to listen to what people haveto say. Such efforts are commendable. Belilios teacherNg Mei-lan asked Henry Tang incisive questions. Shefearlessly told the top official what was in her mind. Bydoing so, she admirably demonstrated to her studentshow good citizens should behave.
The government is determined to hold forums invarious districts to urge citizens to support itsproposals in the hope that public opinion will persuademoderate democrats to switch to accepting them.
Those who are against the government's packagemay sneeze at its attempts. They may say they areonly political cosmetics - publicity designed to deceivethe public. Nevertheless, it is open to pan-democraticparties to try to engage citizens and win their supportas the government does.
Yesterday Henry Tang was a little embarrassed.
Nevertheless, that shows the Belilios gathering wasnot a show the government and the school had jointlystaged. It was therefore precious, and the governmentwould do well to continue to have such meetings.
However, it must examine its successes and failures.
For example, officials have been criticised for failing tocast their votes in the by-election. Before they try toengage the public, officials must prepare themselvesfor unexpected challenges. They must sincerelyanswer questions put to them. They can hardlypersuade people to support the government's packageif they just repeat its statements like a recorder or arerendered dumb by sudden questions.
How can one answer a question about one'sfailure to cast one's vote at the by-election? The daybefore yesterday, Rita Fan, who sits on the NationalPeople's Congress Standing Committee, gave a modelanswer. She said that, as most citizens supporteddemocracy and hoped Hong Kong would soonintroduce universal suffrage, one might think manyagreed with the objectives the two parties had putforward and the turnout should not have been so low.
She said it was clear from the outcome that manydisliked antagonising the central government andchose to cast blank votes or not to rote. Her answershows even supporters of democracy may havechosen not to vote in the by-election because theydisapproved of the de facto referendum strategy.
Therefore, failure to vote in the by-election is notfailure to do one's civic duty.
Yesterday, the Chief Secretary gave a replyinferior to Rita Fan's, but Ms Ng Mei-lan, who askedhim questions, did shine.
She fearlessly spoke her mind in the presence ofthe bigwig, questioned his commitment to fulfilling hiscivic duty and called for the election of the ChiefExecutive by universal suffrage. She gave her studentsa vivid civics lesson. By practising what she advocates,she has told her students Hong Kong people must fightfor what is right without fear of the mighty.
Miss Ng's slogan - I want to have the right to electthe CE - is ringing and powerful. The government hasyet to come up with a roadmap for introducinguniversal suffrage, and it is uncertain whether HongKong people will enjoy genuine universal suffrage in2017. Yesterday, Ms Ng bluntly asked Henry Tangquestions to her students' thunderous applause. Thatmight have embarrassed the Chief Secretary.
However, if he sets aside his preconceptions, he willrealise the visit was worth his while because he didhear genuinely held views. If officials persist inengaging the community, they can, on the one hand,sell the government's package and, on the other, listento what people have to day. That is surely helpful indesigning a political system suitable to Hong Kong.
明報英語網「雙語社評」 english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
落區推銷政改做法正確老師有話直說良好示範
2010.05.20
明報社評
政府記取2005 年的教訓，今次政改諮詢改弦易轍，出動司局長落區爭取市民支持，頭炮是昨日政務司長唐英年到中學與師生對話。高官走出政府總部，接受民意洗禮，是開放及進步的表現，值得肯定；而提出尖銳問題的庇理羅士女子中學教師吳美蘭，面對高官而直言不諱，敢於說真話，是對學生的良好公民教育示範。
特區政府決意透過落區及舉辦論壇，游說市民支持方案，希望借民意游說溫和民主派轉軚接受方案。
反對政改方案的人也許會對政府的做法嗤之以鼻，認為只屬政治化妝，以文宣攻勢欺騙市民。
昨日，唐英年面對的情况雖然有一點尷尬，但卻彰顯這不是一場大龍鳳，不是政府與學校聯手做戲，所以特別珍貴，值得繼續做下去，但要檢討得失，例如， 「官員在補選中不投票」這問題社會早已提出，官員落區前必須心中有數，作好準備，隨時應付民眾的挑戰，真誠回應，若只是把官方回應如錄音機般重覆一次，又或被突如其來的質詢窒至啞口無言，就很難達致爭取支持的目標。
如何回應拒絕在立法會補選投票的質詢，全國人大常委范徐麗泰前日已作出示範，她指大部分市民都支持民主、希望早日落實普選， 「兩黨打着的目標應該有好多人認同，投票率不應該這樣低」，但結果顯示市民不認同與中央對立的手段，故選擇不投票或投白票。這說法可清楚顯示，即使是支持民主的人，不少也因為不認同「變相公投」這方式而選擇不投票，因此不投票也不代表「不盡公民責任」。
唐司長昨日的回應跟范太相比便有所不如，反觀提出質詢的吳美蘭老師則光芒四射。
吳老師敢於在權貴面前講真話，質疑官員對公民責任的承擔，又表明要求普選特首，為學生上了一堂活生生的公民教育課，身體力行地說明了港人應不畏強權，據理力爭。
吳老師「我要有權選特首」的口號，鏗鏘有力，政府的方案未能交出普選路線圖，2017 年是否有真普選仍然有變數。吳老師昨日直接提出質疑，加上學生們如雷的掌聲，也許會令司長尷尬，但官員若能放下成見，就會知道這回落區聽到的確是真心話，所以不枉此行。若能堅持做下去，一方面可以推銷政改方案，另方面可以直接聆聽民眾訴求、民間心聲，對制訂一個適合港情的政制必有所裨益。
G lossary
sit onbe a member of.
speak one's mind
say exactly what one thinks in a very direct way.bigwig / 'bIgwIg /important person.
The government is determined to hold forums invarious districts to urge citizens to support itsproposals in the hope that public opinion will persuademoderate democrats to switch to accepting them.
Those who are against the government's packagemay sneeze at its attempts. They may say they areonly political cosmetics - publicity designed to deceivethe public. Nevertheless, it is open to pan-democraticparties to try to engage citizens and win their supportas the government does.
Yesterday Henry Tang was a little embarrassed.
Nevertheless, that shows the Belilios gathering wasnot a show the government and the school had jointlystaged. It was therefore precious, and the governmentwould do well to continue to have such meetings.
However, it must examine its successes and failures.
For example, officials have been criticised for failing tocast their votes in the by-election. Before they try toengage the public, officials must prepare themselvesfor unexpected challenges. They must sincerelyanswer questions put to them. They can hardlypersuade people to support the government's packageif they just repeat its statements like a recorder or arerendered dumb by sudden questions.
How can one answer a question about one'sfailure to cast one's vote at the by-election? The daybefore yesterday, Rita Fan, who sits on the NationalPeople's Congress Standing Committee, gave a modelanswer. She said that, as most citizens supporteddemocracy and hoped Hong Kong would soonintroduce universal suffrage, one might think manyagreed with the objectives the two parties had putforward and the turnout should not have been so low.
She said it was clear from the outcome that manydisliked antagonising the central government andchose to cast blank votes or not to rote. Her answershows even supporters of democracy may havechosen not to vote in the by-election because theydisapproved of the de facto referendum strategy.
Therefore, failure to vote in the by-election is notfailure to do one's civic duty.
Yesterday, the Chief Secretary gave a replyinferior to Rita Fan's, but Ms Ng Mei-lan, who askedhim questions, did shine.
She fearlessly spoke her mind in the presence ofthe bigwig, questioned his commitment to fulfilling hiscivic duty and called for the election of the ChiefExecutive by universal suffrage. She gave her studentsa vivid civics lesson. By practising what she advocates,she has told her students Hong Kong people must fightfor what is right without fear of the mighty.
Miss Ng's slogan - I want to have the right to electthe CE - is ringing and powerful. The government hasyet to come up with a roadmap for introducinguniversal suffrage, and it is uncertain whether HongKong people will enjoy genuine universal suffrage in2017. Yesterday, Ms Ng bluntly asked Henry Tangquestions to her students' thunderous applause. Thatmight have embarrassed the Chief Secretary.
However, if he sets aside his preconceptions, he willrealise the visit was worth his while because he didhear genuinely held views. If officials persist inengaging the community, they can, on the one hand,sell the government's package and, on the other, listento what people have to day. That is surely helpful indesigning a political system suitable to Hong Kong.
明報英語網「雙語社評」 english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
落區推銷政改做法正確老師有話直說良好示範
2010.05.20
明報社評
政府記取2005 年的教訓，今次政改諮詢改弦易轍，出動司局長落區爭取市民支持，頭炮是昨日政務司長唐英年到中學與師生對話。高官走出政府總部，接受民意洗禮，是開放及進步的表現，值得肯定；而提出尖銳問題的庇理羅士女子中學教師吳美蘭，面對高官而直言不諱，敢於說真話，是對學生的良好公民教育示範。
特區政府決意透過落區及舉辦論壇，游說市民支持方案，希望借民意游說溫和民主派轉軚接受方案。
反對政改方案的人也許會對政府的做法嗤之以鼻，認為只屬政治化妝，以文宣攻勢欺騙市民。
昨日，唐英年面對的情况雖然有一點尷尬，但卻彰顯這不是一場大龍鳳，不是政府與學校聯手做戲，所以特別珍貴，值得繼續做下去，但要檢討得失，例如， 「官員在補選中不投票」這問題社會早已提出，官員落區前必須心中有數，作好準備，隨時應付民眾的挑戰，真誠回應，若只是把官方回應如錄音機般重覆一次，又或被突如其來的質詢窒至啞口無言，就很難達致爭取支持的目標。
如何回應拒絕在立法會補選投票的質詢，全國人大常委范徐麗泰前日已作出示範，她指大部分市民都支持民主、希望早日落實普選， 「兩黨打着的目標應該有好多人認同，投票率不應該這樣低」，但結果顯示市民不認同與中央對立的手段，故選擇不投票或投白票。這說法可清楚顯示，即使是支持民主的人，不少也因為不認同「變相公投」這方式而選擇不投票，因此不投票也不代表「不盡公民責任」。
唐司長昨日的回應跟范太相比便有所不如，反觀提出質詢的吳美蘭老師則光芒四射。
吳老師敢於在權貴面前講真話，質疑官員對公民責任的承擔，又表明要求普選特首，為學生上了一堂活生生的公民教育課，身體力行地說明了港人應不畏強權，據理力爭。
吳老師「我要有權選特首」的口號，鏗鏘有力，政府的方案未能交出普選路線圖，2017 年是否有真普選仍然有變數。吳老師昨日直接提出質疑，加上學生們如雷的掌聲，也許會令司長尷尬，但官員若能放下成見，就會知道這回落區聽到的確是真心話，所以不枉此行。若能堅持做下去，一方面可以推銷政改方案，另方面可以直接聆聽民眾訴求、民間心聲，對制訂一個適合港情的政制必有所裨益。
G lossary
sit onbe a member of.
speak one's mind
say exactly what one thinks in a very direct way.bigwig / 'bIgwIg /important person.
2010年5月23日星期日
2010年5月20日星期四
Tide turns for housing scheme
The family of "Uncle Four" Lee Shau- kee paid a record price to bag a scarce, prime site on The Peak to build villas for their personal use.
While the HK$1.82-billion deal may raise some eyebrows in view of the fact the bidding was far more spectacular than what was seen at last week's auction for the Tung Chung site that fetched a base price amid lukewarm response, it helps to show there are really distinct segments in the housing market.
Yes, there will always be people with the ways and means to pay a premium price for anything scarce, and therefore, valuable and highly coveted.
However, what concerns the masses more is Hong Kong's limited supply of small to medium-sized flats. It's clear the government is focusing on this end of the property market. And it seems the effects of the current crackdown on the market is becoming evident in certain private housing estates - such as Tin Shui Wai's Kingswood Villas, where vendors are willing to lower prices.
Furthermore, there is the ongoing public consultation on whether it will be necessary for taxpayers to subsidize home ownership. As I've said, subsidies can come in many forms. The one most discussed by the community is the familiar Home Ownership Scheme.
Should the scheme be resumed? This is an issue warranting delicate handling. HOS has a prominent part in local housing history. When the former Tung Chee-hwa administration scrapped it to help stabilize the volatile housing market, the decision was made carefully. So, there has to be enough support if the current government wants to reverse course.
The consultation exercise could be a tactic to buy time. It's intriguing to note when Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen launched the consultation, he was quick to point out the government's objection to resuming HOS wasn't an irreversible policy.
Then, political heavyweights - and even some developers - began to sound more flexible about the scheme. Yesterday, MTR Corp chairman Raymond Ch'ien Kuo-fung added his support to resuming it. He even went further by suggesting the government has the responsibility to let young people have the expectation of owning their own home.
I get the distinct feeling the tide is already turning in favor of HOS.
Society has truly changed. In the past, families were used to cramming in public rental housing, or partitioned units, while children made do with tiny cubbyholes.
But now, many young people live with parents in private housing, and have grown accustomed to more spacious environments. Unlike the older generation, they're reluctant to accept smaller digs after becoming young adults.
So would it be realistic to expect those growing up in Tai Koo Shing to switch to a small flat in Kingswood Villas in the far north of the New Territories, despite lower prices there?
Guess what will be the outcome of the public consultation? I doubt if it will be anything other than overwhelming support for resuming HOS, in light of the growing sentiment.
Barring the unpredictable - including a housing market collapse - it's almost a foregone conclusion that Tsang will be announcing the scheme's revival in his next policy address.
英文虎報 Central Station | By Mary Ma
While the HK$1.82-billion deal may raise some eyebrows in view of the fact the bidding was far more spectacular than what was seen at last week's auction for the Tung Chung site that fetched a base price amid lukewarm response, it helps to show there are really distinct segments in the housing market.
Yes, there will always be people with the ways and means to pay a premium price for anything scarce, and therefore, valuable and highly coveted.
However, what concerns the masses more is Hong Kong's limited supply of small to medium-sized flats. It's clear the government is focusing on this end of the property market. And it seems the effects of the current crackdown on the market is becoming evident in certain private housing estates - such as Tin Shui Wai's Kingswood Villas, where vendors are willing to lower prices.
Furthermore, there is the ongoing public consultation on whether it will be necessary for taxpayers to subsidize home ownership. As I've said, subsidies can come in many forms. The one most discussed by the community is the familiar Home Ownership Scheme.
Should the scheme be resumed? This is an issue warranting delicate handling. HOS has a prominent part in local housing history. When the former Tung Chee-hwa administration scrapped it to help stabilize the volatile housing market, the decision was made carefully. So, there has to be enough support if the current government wants to reverse course.
The consultation exercise could be a tactic to buy time. It's intriguing to note when Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen launched the consultation, he was quick to point out the government's objection to resuming HOS wasn't an irreversible policy.
Then, political heavyweights - and even some developers - began to sound more flexible about the scheme. Yesterday, MTR Corp chairman Raymond Ch'ien Kuo-fung added his support to resuming it. He even went further by suggesting the government has the responsibility to let young people have the expectation of owning their own home.
I get the distinct feeling the tide is already turning in favor of HOS.
Society has truly changed. In the past, families were used to cramming in public rental housing, or partitioned units, while children made do with tiny cubbyholes.
But now, many young people live with parents in private housing, and have grown accustomed to more spacious environments. Unlike the older generation, they're reluctant to accept smaller digs after becoming young adults.
So would it be realistic to expect those growing up in Tai Koo Shing to switch to a small flat in Kingswood Villas in the far north of the New Territories, despite lower prices there?
Guess what will be the outcome of the public consultation? I doubt if it will be anything other than overwhelming support for resuming HOS, in light of the growing sentiment.
Barring the unpredictable - including a housing market collapse - it's almost a foregone conclusion that Tsang will be announcing the scheme's revival in his next policy address.
英文虎報 Central Station | By Mary Ma
2010年5月19日星期三
Radicals gambled and lost
In the aftermath of the Legislative Council by-election, the public has immediately set its sights on the increasing likelihood of a direct meeting between moderate pan-democrats and the central government.
I'm not sure if the Civic Party-League of Social Democrats coalition feels bitter, but it's definitely good news.
From Beijing's point of view, the small voter turnout of 17.1 percent has created greater room for maneuvering. The Alliance for Universal Suffrage and central government officials were supposed to convene last week. But the meeting was put off amid concerns that playing the card at the wrong time could complicate Sunday's poll.
Clearly, Beijing's tactics are aimed at winning over the doves and keeping the radicals at bay, since it would be unrealistic to expect the Civic-League lawmakers to back the electoral reforms in and beyond 2012.
Both Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen and Chief Secretary Henry Tang Ying-yen are keen to see the 2012 package passed, for this would be an important grade on their report cards. But, understandably, only the central government has the decisive say.
With the by-election now history, it helps moderate pan-democrats show to the rest of the movement that constructive progress is being made. It offers a new balance favoring peace talks.
The self-proclaimed victory by the Civic-League alliance at the end of the poll was hardly surprising. Ironically, it could also be used as bargaining chips by moderates in their dialogue with the central government. They may tell the cadres that while it was reassuring to see 83 percent of voters refuse to participate in the "referendum," those who did cast ballots shouldn't be ignored.
Having said that, the Civic-League victory statement is plainly absurd. The general view is that they have suffered a serious defeat - even though all five candidates were reelected. Why?
First, they lost sight of the object of the exercise. They sought to abolish functional constituencies in the very beginning, then entangled it with livelihood issues, and later involved itself in the minimum wage argument.
Except for their diehard supporters who would vote regardless, most others failed to detect a clear theme.
Second, they were wrong if they thought the public was blind to figures. When the referendum bid was launched in January, the front set a turnout of 50 percent as the minimum threshold for declaring victory. "Mad Dog" Raymond Wong Yuk-man even said he wouldn't accept reelection if the voter turnout fell short of expectations.
Over the months, the bar kept dropping. A few days before the vote, the radicals said it would be satisfied with 27 percent. After the poll, even the 17.1 percent was good enough. By playing footloose with figures, they couldn't lose. But would the public agree?
Third, they blamed the SAR government for causing the low turnout, criticizing Tsang for taking the lead not to vote. If that argument stands, it would mean the rest of the 2.8 million eligible voters are simple and naive, incapable of thinking for themselves. Isn't this utter nonsense?
Please, Civic-League folks, show some courage and admit that you gambled and lost.
英文虎報 Central Station | By Mary Ma
I'm not sure if the Civic Party-League of Social Democrats coalition feels bitter, but it's definitely good news.
From Beijing's point of view, the small voter turnout of 17.1 percent has created greater room for maneuvering. The Alliance for Universal Suffrage and central government officials were supposed to convene last week. But the meeting was put off amid concerns that playing the card at the wrong time could complicate Sunday's poll.
Clearly, Beijing's tactics are aimed at winning over the doves and keeping the radicals at bay, since it would be unrealistic to expect the Civic-League lawmakers to back the electoral reforms in and beyond 2012.
Both Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen and Chief Secretary Henry Tang Ying-yen are keen to see the 2012 package passed, for this would be an important grade on their report cards. But, understandably, only the central government has the decisive say.
With the by-election now history, it helps moderate pan-democrats show to the rest of the movement that constructive progress is being made. It offers a new balance favoring peace talks.
The self-proclaimed victory by the Civic-League alliance at the end of the poll was hardly surprising. Ironically, it could also be used as bargaining chips by moderates in their dialogue with the central government. They may tell the cadres that while it was reassuring to see 83 percent of voters refuse to participate in the "referendum," those who did cast ballots shouldn't be ignored.
Having said that, the Civic-League victory statement is plainly absurd. The general view is that they have suffered a serious defeat - even though all five candidates were reelected. Why?
First, they lost sight of the object of the exercise. They sought to abolish functional constituencies in the very beginning, then entangled it with livelihood issues, and later involved itself in the minimum wage argument.
Except for their diehard supporters who would vote regardless, most others failed to detect a clear theme.
Second, they were wrong if they thought the public was blind to figures. When the referendum bid was launched in January, the front set a turnout of 50 percent as the minimum threshold for declaring victory. "Mad Dog" Raymond Wong Yuk-man even said he wouldn't accept reelection if the voter turnout fell short of expectations.
Over the months, the bar kept dropping. A few days before the vote, the radicals said it would be satisfied with 27 percent. After the poll, even the 17.1 percent was good enough. By playing footloose with figures, they couldn't lose. But would the public agree?
Third, they blamed the SAR government for causing the low turnout, criticizing Tsang for taking the lead not to vote. If that argument stands, it would mean the rest of the 2.8 million eligible voters are simple and naive, incapable of thinking for themselves. Isn't this utter nonsense?
Please, Civic-League folks, show some courage and admit that you gambled and lost.
英文虎報 Central Station | By Mary Ma
Beijing to strike in end game
Things are moving fast now that the by- elections are over. But how soon will the new developments lead to a meeting between pan-democratic moderates and the central government?
People are wondering, since, as the old saying goes, it's best to "strike while the iron is hot."
Society is also watching with increasing interest whether a top official from Beijing will be seeing the Alliance for Universal Suffrage immediately and where they will meet. As of yesterday, the alliance was still saying that arrangements have yet to be finalized.
However, it's unlikely to be a one- off exercise with a top central government official attending immediately. Chances are, there will be more than one round of formal meetings - ascending to the next level after completing the first one, similar to playing computer games.
But there shouldn't be too many levels because time is of the essence, with barely two months left before the vote on the 2012 electoral package.
The first official session will have to be held soon after the working group formed by leading members of the alliance and Hong Kong government officials convenes its first working session tomorrow. The guess is the alliance will first publicly meet with officials of the Central Government Liaison Office in Hong Kong, followed by another round at a more senior level.
Furthermore, it would be unusual to see a top official at the first formal meeting because this would go against most commonly-adopted protocols.
Who then will be the top official seeing the alliance at the jackpot level? National People's Congress Standing Committee deputy secretary general Qiao Xiaoyang is the obvious choice. He is senior enough and has been handling the SAR's political reforms. Last month, he appeared in the Great Hall of the People to explain Beijing's views on the issue.
In a conciliatory note, Qiao said the door to democracy is open, leaving it up to lawmakers to decide whether they are ready to enter.
Lastly, it will be pertinent to ask where the top-level meeting will be held. The most common guess would be the mainland, but there are the pros and cons to consider.
If that is indeed the venue, it will emphasize Beijing's sovereignty over Hong Kong. In this case, Shenzhen would be a suitable choice since it is closest to the SAR - without the usual high profile attached to Beijing.
But there are also disadvantages with meeting in the mainland. The SAR government will be unsuitably dwarfed by being seen to be bypassed on this important matter, although it is well- known the central government has the decisive say. This would not be free of political cost to the current SAR administration.
But will Qiao's flying into the SAR be seen as too condescending for Hong Kong people? I don't think so - Qiao is no stranger to the SAR.
In the final analysis, there will be advantages for the top-level meeting to be held here.
Judging by what has happened so far, it is rather clear now that Beijing isn't only aiming at wooing three or four votes from the pan-democratic camp to pass the 2012 electoral package.
It has something much bigger in mind - fundamentally tackling the political bickerings that have dragged us down for too long.
英文虎報 Central Station By Mary Ma
People are wondering, since, as the old saying goes, it's best to "strike while the iron is hot."
Society is also watching with increasing interest whether a top official from Beijing will be seeing the Alliance for Universal Suffrage immediately and where they will meet. As of yesterday, the alliance was still saying that arrangements have yet to be finalized.
However, it's unlikely to be a one- off exercise with a top central government official attending immediately. Chances are, there will be more than one round of formal meetings - ascending to the next level after completing the first one, similar to playing computer games.
But there shouldn't be too many levels because time is of the essence, with barely two months left before the vote on the 2012 electoral package.
The first official session will have to be held soon after the working group formed by leading members of the alliance and Hong Kong government officials convenes its first working session tomorrow. The guess is the alliance will first publicly meet with officials of the Central Government Liaison Office in Hong Kong, followed by another round at a more senior level.
Furthermore, it would be unusual to see a top official at the first formal meeting because this would go against most commonly-adopted protocols.
Who then will be the top official seeing the alliance at the jackpot level? National People's Congress Standing Committee deputy secretary general Qiao Xiaoyang is the obvious choice. He is senior enough and has been handling the SAR's political reforms. Last month, he appeared in the Great Hall of the People to explain Beijing's views on the issue.
In a conciliatory note, Qiao said the door to democracy is open, leaving it up to lawmakers to decide whether they are ready to enter.
Lastly, it will be pertinent to ask where the top-level meeting will be held. The most common guess would be the mainland, but there are the pros and cons to consider.
If that is indeed the venue, it will emphasize Beijing's sovereignty over Hong Kong. In this case, Shenzhen would be a suitable choice since it is closest to the SAR - without the usual high profile attached to Beijing.
But there are also disadvantages with meeting in the mainland. The SAR government will be unsuitably dwarfed by being seen to be bypassed on this important matter, although it is well- known the central government has the decisive say. This would not be free of political cost to the current SAR administration.
But will Qiao's flying into the SAR be seen as too condescending for Hong Kong people? I don't think so - Qiao is no stranger to the SAR.
In the final analysis, there will be advantages for the top-level meeting to be held here.
Judging by what has happened so far, it is rather clear now that Beijing isn't only aiming at wooing three or four votes from the pan-democratic camp to pass the 2012 electoral package.
It has something much bigger in mind - fundamentally tackling the political bickerings that have dragged us down for too long.
英文虎報 Central Station By Mary Ma
Gap year plan 1
Writer's ProfileAn unconventional boardingschool-educated gap year student who isabout to study at Oxford University.The usual gap year plan for moststudents involves a period of work, lengthytravels and a lot of crashing of friends'universities. I must say, my gap yearfollows that bland (枯燥乏味的) format, butI sure have tried to spice things up a little.Starting with the job...
As I shall be studying Biochemistry atOxford, I was keen to get more experienceon the discipline, in order to understandwhat I am delving into (as Biochemistry isnot taught at school). I was incrediblyfortunate to gain a six-month placementwhere I worked on a project related toswine flu, aiming to find out the viralprotein structure, so that specific drugs canbe designed to tackle it-a research areawhich deserves a lot of credit. Anotherproject was to do with a brain receptorsensitive to psychoactive drugs such ascocaine (可卡因)-it was pretty excitingwhen I ordered in small amounts ofthe drug for research purposes!Before I bore you with thescientific details, the mainadvantage of having a job in my gapyear was that I achieved hugely inall aspects of the subject-I met leadingscientists in the world, attended famouslectures, learnt and practised techniquesthat most undergraduates weren't allowedto do during the course, all of whichcontributed vastly to my development as ascientist.
The most important part, however, wasthat working gave me the rare opportunityto experience the real world, so I'd knowwhat to expect after university. Educationputs us into a great bubble, which oftendistorts ( 扭曲) our perception of society. Ifind, more than ever, that it is incrediblyimportant to step out of that "bubble" inorder to absorb what is really going onaround you. Furthermore, this could giveyou a boost in terms of your CV, as mostemployers prefer applicants with more"real" experience, as well as the sideeffects of maturity, wide knowledge,teamwork, practicality and exposure.
text by Amanda Yu
around 還是about？
Ask&Learn聞問切切
Fai (english@mingpao.com)Have you any questions about English usage?Don't hesitate to send them to us!
陳姓讀者來電郵問，說「在9 時左右」，應該說「around 9 o'clock」還是「about 9o'clock」比較正宗？
About 和around 都可以用來表示近似值，無所謂哪個比較正宗。有人說英國人偏向用about，美國人偏向用around，我看也不一定，反而跟各人習慣更有關係。但 about 和around 這兩個字有時是用得太多太濫了。一個大房間，坐着七八個人，說There are around/about seven people sittingin the room 就不及There are approximatelyseven people sitting in the room 那麼合適了。原因是有一個說法，about 或者around 只可以用在10、20 等齊頭數字，about 20 可以，但around 7、around 13 就有點怪怪的了。無論如何， 一定不可以說There arebetween seven and eight people sitting inthe room。Between 指的是兩個數字之間的數值，別的還可以，人要是不來，一來總是一個一個，絕對不可能會有七至八個人的情形出現，除非是鬧鬼。就算是小孩半價，也不可以說他不是一個完整的人。
As I shall be studying Biochemistry atOxford, I was keen to get more experienceon the discipline, in order to understandwhat I am delving into (as Biochemistry isnot taught at school). I was incrediblyfortunate to gain a six-month placementwhere I worked on a project related toswine flu, aiming to find out the viralprotein structure, so that specific drugs canbe designed to tackle it-a research areawhich deserves a lot of credit. Anotherproject was to do with a brain receptorsensitive to psychoactive drugs such ascocaine (可卡因)-it was pretty excitingwhen I ordered in small amounts ofthe drug for research purposes!Before I bore you with thescientific details, the mainadvantage of having a job in my gapyear was that I achieved hugely inall aspects of the subject-I met leadingscientists in the world, attended famouslectures, learnt and practised techniquesthat most undergraduates weren't allowedto do during the course, all of whichcontributed vastly to my development as ascientist.
The most important part, however, wasthat working gave me the rare opportunityto experience the real world, so I'd knowwhat to expect after university. Educationputs us into a great bubble, which oftendistorts ( 扭曲) our perception of society. Ifind, more than ever, that it is incrediblyimportant to step out of that "bubble" inorder to absorb what is really going onaround you. Furthermore, this could giveyou a boost in terms of your CV, as mostemployers prefer applicants with more"real" experience, as well as the sideeffects of maturity, wide knowledge,teamwork, practicality and exposure.
text by Amanda Yu
around 還是about？
Ask&Learn聞問切切
Fai (english@mingpao.com)Have you any questions about English usage?Don't hesitate to send them to us!
陳姓讀者來電郵問，說「在9 時左右」，應該說「around 9 o'clock」還是「about 9o'clock」比較正宗？
About 和around 都可以用來表示近似值，無所謂哪個比較正宗。有人說英國人偏向用about，美國人偏向用around，我看也不一定，反而跟各人習慣更有關係。但 about 和around 這兩個字有時是用得太多太濫了。一個大房間，坐着七八個人，說There are around/about seven people sittingin the room 就不及There are approximatelyseven people sitting in the room 那麼合適了。原因是有一個說法，about 或者around 只可以用在10、20 等齊頭數字，about 20 可以，但around 7、around 13 就有點怪怪的了。無論如何， 一定不可以說There arebetween seven and eight people sitting inthe room。Between 指的是兩個數字之間的數值，別的還可以，人要是不來，一來總是一個一個，絕對不可能會有七至八個人的情形出現，除非是鬧鬼。就算是小孩半價，也不可以說他不是一個完整的人。
around 還是 about？
陳姓讀者來電郵問，說「在9 時左右」，應該說「around 9 o'clock」還是「about 9o'clock」比較正宗？
About 和around 都可以用來表示近似值，無所謂哪個比較正宗。有人說英國人偏向用about，美國人偏向用around，我看也不一定，反而跟各人習慣更有關係。但 about 和around 這兩個字有時是用得太多太濫了。一個大房間，坐着七八個人，說There are around/about seven people sittingin the room 就不及There are approximatelyseven people sitting in the room 那麼合適了。原因是有一個說法，about 或者around 只可以用在10、20 等齊頭數字，about 20 可以，但around 7、around 13 就有點怪怪的了。無論如何， 一定不可以說There arebetween seven and eight people sitting inthe room。Between 指的是兩個數字之間的數值，別的還可以，人要是不來，一來總是一個一個，絕對不可能會有七至八個人的情形出現，除非是鬧鬼。就算是小孩半價，也不可以說他不是一個完整的人。
About 和around 都可以用來表示近似值，無所謂哪個比較正宗。有人說英國人偏向用about，美國人偏向用around，我看也不一定，反而跟各人習慣更有關係。但 about 和around 這兩個字有時是用得太多太濫了。一個大房間，坐着七八個人，說There are around/about seven people sittingin the room 就不及There are approximatelyseven people sitting in the room 那麼合適了。原因是有一個說法，about 或者around 只可以用在10、20 等齊頭數字，about 20 可以，但around 7、around 13 就有點怪怪的了。無論如何， 一定不可以說There arebetween seven and eight people sitting inthe room。Between 指的是兩個數字之間的數值，別的還可以，人要是不來，一來總是一個一個，絕對不可能會有七至八個人的情形出現，除非是鬧鬼。就算是小孩半價，也不可以說他不是一個完整的人。
Ho 胡志明 Chi-Minh
Ho Chi-Minh was born on May 19, 1890and died on September 2, 1969. He was thePresident (1945-1969) of the DemocraticRepublic of Vietnam (North Vietnam). Hefounded the Indochina Communist Party in1930 and its successor, the Viet Minh, in1941. In 1945, Japan overran Indochina,overthrowing its French colonial rulers.When the Japanese surrendered to theAllies six months later, Ho and his Viet Minhforces seized the opportunity, occupiedHanoi ( 河內), and proclaimed ( 宣告)Vietnamese independence. France refusedto relinquish ( 交出) its former colony, andthe First Indochina War broke out in 1946.Ho's forces defeated the French in 1954,after which the country was partitioned ( 分割) into North and South Vietnam. Ho, whoruled in the north, was soon embroiled (被捲入) in the US-backed regime of Ngo DinhDiem (吳廷琰) in the south in what becameknown as the Vietnam War. NorthVietnamese forces prevailed (戰勝) over thesouth six years after Ho's death.
Leaders & Legends: Ho Chi Minh, a TVprogramme that shows how Ho Chi Minhliberated a country and humbled Westernsuperpowers, premieres tonight at 9pm on Bio Channel (now TV Channel 222)
Leaders & Legends: Ho Chi Minh, a TVprogramme that shows how Ho Chi Minhliberated a country and humbled Westernsuperpowers, premieres tonight at 9pm on Bio Channel (now TV Channel 222)
Doves will meet Beijing officials
SINCE the SAR government put forward its2012 constitutional reform package lastNovember, some moderate democrats (thedoves) have sought to have talks with the centralgovernment in the hope of breaking the deadlock overthe SAR's democratisation. Their efforts have got themsomewhere. Central government officials will talk withthem about constitutional arrangements. This is thefirst opportunity that has arisen in twenty twenty--one years ofbringing about political progress in the SAR.
The forth forth--coming meeting between Beijing officialsand the doves may end the 21 21--year estrangementbetween the central authorities and Hong Kongdemocrats. No sooner had the government unveiled its2012 package that a dove dove--hawk struggle began in thepan pan--democratic camp. The doves have tried to havedialogue with Beijing about a final plan for introducinguniversal suffrage. For taking this position they havecome under fire and suspicion over the past fewmonths. One may say the doves have shown greatfortitude in humiliating circumstances. It is not withease that the forthcoming meeting has been arranged.
We are glad that the central government hasresponded favourably to their goodwill. Nevertheless,because of their long estrangement, they still beargrudges against each other. It is unrealistic to expectthem to agree on an ultimate plan for introducinguniversal suffrage at a single meeting. They will makerare progress if they build up mutual trust and thecentral government makes more concrete pledgesabout the 2017 Chief Executive election and the 2020Legislative Council election.
It is the central government that decides on HongKong's constitutional arrangements. One may say itholds most of the cards. Even if the talks provefruitless and, as a result, the 2012 package is thrownout, the central government will lose little. At mostHong Kong's political situation will remain as it is.
That is not the case with the doves. They areunder great pressure, and much is at stake. First, thehawks may bash them and mistrust them. If anythinggoes awry, they may be given the opprobrious labelof "betrayers of democracy". Second, they must justifythemselves to their supporters. Furthermore, thecentral government has imposed many restrictions onthe 2012 constitutional reform, and the doves havevery few cards. Whether they can achieve anythingdepends on the central government's attitude. Theyare, one may say, beset with severe difficulties.
Nevertheless, they have some chance since theywill meet central government officials. We urge that thedoves, adhering to their principled position, strive to dothe following three things.
(1) They should urge the central government tomake more concrete statements about the 2017 and2020 universal universal--suffrage elections so that citizens willhave greater confidence that they will eventually enjoyuniversal suffrage. That is crucial.
(2) To make it easier to introduce genuineuniversal suffrage, they should urge the centralgovernment to allow the 2010 constitutional reformpackage to be made more democratic.
(3) They should try to make sure that they willcontinue to interact positively with the centralgovernment, and they should see that suchinteractions will eventually take place between thecentral government and all pan pan--democrats.
Estranged for twenty twenty--one years, the two sidesmistrust each other. We know very well these tasks arevery hard to accomplish. It is the central governmentthat holds the key to success. It is in Hong Kong's bestinterests to prevent its political ecology from becomingradical, improve its governance and increase itspolitical stability. If the central government considersthe issue in this light, what we have mentioned aboveis quite sensible and far from excessive. Whether thedoves will succeed depends on the centralgovernment's decision. It can begin a new chapter inHong Kong politics if only it displays great wisdom andgreat boldness.
明報英語網「雙語社評」english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
21 年來中央官員首會民主派期望政局突破明報社評2010.05.18
去年11 月特區政府推出2012 年政改方案以來，溫和民主派（簡稱鴿派）尋求與中央溝通，解開香港政制終極普選死結，終於有眉目，中央官員將與鴿派會晤商討政制安排問題。這是21 年以來，香港政局良性發展的契機。
這次中央官員與鴿派會晤，乃21 年來中央與民主派僵局的突破，主要是政府拋出2012 年政改方案之後，泛民陣營出現鴿派與鷹派路線分歧，鴿派爭取溝通對話，尋求終極普選方案的取態，過去數月備受攻擊和質疑，可謂忍辱負重。我們高興看到中央對於鴿派的善意也作出善意回應。這次雙方會晤可謂得來不易，不過，基於中央與鴿派畢竟長時間隔膜，有一定芥蒂，若認為一次會晤就可以徹底解決終極普選安排，不切實際，這次會晤，若能夠使雙方建立互信基礎，就2017 行政長官和2020 立法會兩個選舉有更具體承諾，就是難得的進展。
中央主導政制安排，可以說大多數的牌都抓在手中，就算這次與鴿派談不攏， 2012 年方案被否決，中央也沒有實質損失，最多只是香港政局並無改善而已。
鴿派卻不一樣，其壓力甚大、風險極高。首先，他們要面對鷹派的攻擊和質疑，稍有什麼風吹草動，都可能被扣以出賣民主的污名；其次，鴿派要向支持者交代。還有，中央就2012 政改的框框條條那麼多，鴿派手中的牌卻是那麼有限，要取得成績，主要視乎中央的取態，可謂極其困難。
無論如何， 有會晤就有機會，我們要求鴿派必須堅持原則立場，就33 方面向中央爭取：
（1）關於）2017 和2020 真普選的表述，要爭取中央作更具體和實質的表述，增加市民大普選將會實現的信心。這一點最關鍵。
（2）2012 年政改方案，仍有增加民主成分的空間，為真普選創造更多條件。
（3）爭取與中央的良性互動持續下去，類似會晤和交）往正常化，進而擴及全部民主派。
21 年的隔閡和諸多猜疑，要達至這3個成果，我們深切知道難度甚高，而掌握成敗關鍵的是中央。中央若從避免政治生態激化，從香港管治、政治穩定等最大利益考慮，則上述3點訴求合情合理，不算奢求。能否成事，我們認為在中央一念之間，只要中央展現大智慧、大魄力，就可以為香港政局翻開新的一頁。 Glossary
每周一音標 《明報英語網》逢星期二推出「每周一音標」，以視像短片模式教授國際音標，真人發音，歡迎瀏覽網址： english.mingpao.com
The forth forth--coming meeting between Beijing officialsand the doves may end the 21 21--year estrangementbetween the central authorities and Hong Kongdemocrats. No sooner had the government unveiled its2012 package that a dove dove--hawk struggle began in thepan pan--democratic camp. The doves have tried to havedialogue with Beijing about a final plan for introducinguniversal suffrage. For taking this position they havecome under fire and suspicion over the past fewmonths. One may say the doves have shown greatfortitude in humiliating circumstances. It is not withease that the forthcoming meeting has been arranged.
We are glad that the central government hasresponded favourably to their goodwill. Nevertheless,because of their long estrangement, they still beargrudges against each other. It is unrealistic to expectthem to agree on an ultimate plan for introducinguniversal suffrage at a single meeting. They will makerare progress if they build up mutual trust and thecentral government makes more concrete pledgesabout the 2017 Chief Executive election and the 2020Legislative Council election.
It is the central government that decides on HongKong's constitutional arrangements. One may say itholds most of the cards. Even if the talks provefruitless and, as a result, the 2012 package is thrownout, the central government will lose little. At mostHong Kong's political situation will remain as it is.
That is not the case with the doves. They areunder great pressure, and much is at stake. First, thehawks may bash them and mistrust them. If anythinggoes awry, they may be given the opprobrious labelof "betrayers of democracy". Second, they must justifythemselves to their supporters. Furthermore, thecentral government has imposed many restrictions onthe 2012 constitutional reform, and the doves havevery few cards. Whether they can achieve anythingdepends on the central government's attitude. Theyare, one may say, beset with severe difficulties.
Nevertheless, they have some chance since theywill meet central government officials. We urge that thedoves, adhering to their principled position, strive to dothe following three things.
(1) They should urge the central government tomake more concrete statements about the 2017 and2020 universal universal--suffrage elections so that citizens willhave greater confidence that they will eventually enjoyuniversal suffrage. That is crucial.
(2) To make it easier to introduce genuineuniversal suffrage, they should urge the centralgovernment to allow the 2010 constitutional reformpackage to be made more democratic.
(3) They should try to make sure that they willcontinue to interact positively with the centralgovernment, and they should see that suchinteractions will eventually take place between thecentral government and all pan pan--democrats.
Estranged for twenty twenty--one years, the two sidesmistrust each other. We know very well these tasks arevery hard to accomplish. It is the central governmentthat holds the key to success. It is in Hong Kong's bestinterests to prevent its political ecology from becomingradical, improve its governance and increase itspolitical stability. If the central government considersthe issue in this light, what we have mentioned aboveis quite sensible and far from excessive. Whether thedoves will succeed depends on the centralgovernment's decision. It can begin a new chapter inHong Kong politics if only it displays great wisdom andgreat boldness.
明報英語網「雙語社評」english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
21 年來中央官員首會民主派期望政局突破明報社評2010.05.18
去年11 月特區政府推出2012 年政改方案以來，溫和民主派（簡稱鴿派）尋求與中央溝通，解開香港政制終極普選死結，終於有眉目，中央官員將與鴿派會晤商討政制安排問題。這是21 年以來，香港政局良性發展的契機。
這次中央官員與鴿派會晤，乃21 年來中央與民主派僵局的突破，主要是政府拋出2012 年政改方案之後，泛民陣營出現鴿派與鷹派路線分歧，鴿派爭取溝通對話，尋求終極普選方案的取態，過去數月備受攻擊和質疑，可謂忍辱負重。我們高興看到中央對於鴿派的善意也作出善意回應。這次雙方會晤可謂得來不易，不過，基於中央與鴿派畢竟長時間隔膜，有一定芥蒂，若認為一次會晤就可以徹底解決終極普選安排，不切實際，這次會晤，若能夠使雙方建立互信基礎，就2017 行政長官和2020 立法會兩個選舉有更具體承諾，就是難得的進展。
中央主導政制安排，可以說大多數的牌都抓在手中，就算這次與鴿派談不攏， 2012 年方案被否決，中央也沒有實質損失，最多只是香港政局並無改善而已。
鴿派卻不一樣，其壓力甚大、風險極高。首先，他們要面對鷹派的攻擊和質疑，稍有什麼風吹草動，都可能被扣以出賣民主的污名；其次，鴿派要向支持者交代。還有，中央就2012 政改的框框條條那麼多，鴿派手中的牌卻是那麼有限，要取得成績，主要視乎中央的取態，可謂極其困難。
無論如何， 有會晤就有機會，我們要求鴿派必須堅持原則立場，就33 方面向中央爭取：
（1）關於）2017 和2020 真普選的表述，要爭取中央作更具體和實質的表述，增加市民大普選將會實現的信心。這一點最關鍵。
（2）2012 年政改方案，仍有增加民主成分的空間，為真普選創造更多條件。
（3）爭取與中央的良性互動持續下去，類似會晤和交）往正常化，進而擴及全部民主派。
21 年的隔閡和諸多猜疑，要達至這3個成果，我們深切知道難度甚高，而掌握成敗關鍵的是中央。中央若從避免政治生態激化，從香港管治、政治穩定等最大利益考慮，則上述3點訴求合情合理，不算奢求。能否成事，我們認為在中央一念之間，只要中央展現大智慧、大魄力，就可以為香港政局翻開新的一頁。 Glossary
每周一音標 《明報英語網》逢星期二推出「每周一音標」，以視像短片模式教授國際音標，真人發音，歡迎瀏覽網址： english.mingpao.com
2010年5月18日星期二
Doves' plan
THE curtain has come down on thefive five--constituency by by--election. Since theestablishmentarians boycotted it, and hawksand doves were in a two two--line struggle in thepan pan--democratic camp, a low turnout was expected.
Those who refrained from going to the pollsyesterday fall into two groups. In one are those whoalways support the establishmentarians. Their ideas ofdemocratisation differ radically from thepan pan--democrats'. In the other are supporters of thepan pan--democrats. They ardently crave democracy, butthey disapprove of the radical approach the alliancebetween the Civic Party and the League of SocialDemocrats has used. The low turnout may be taken asevidence that Hong Kong people do not approve of the"de facto referendum" strategy, but it is wrong to take itto mean they do not support democracy or theysupport the government's constitutional reformpackage. Hong Kong people do crave democratisationand genuine universal suffrage. Beijing must notmisread the situation.
Some months ago, some pan pan--democratic doves(including academics, members of the public and anumber of Democratic Party legislators) formed theAlliance for Universal Suffrage. It unveiled on 13 March2010 its proposed constitutional reform plan. Thedoves' plan represents a paradigm shift in thediscussion of Hong Kong's constitutional system, forthe moderate democrats have adopted a totally newstrategy - to protect their rivals' interests.
According to Cheung Man Man--kwong, a DemocraticParty legislator, the Alliance proposes that, in 2020,the Legislative Council should have 100 members.
Under the doves' plan, 50 of them would be returnedby geographical constituencies through directelections. There would be seven instead of fivegeographical constituencies. All voters would cast theirsecond votes for political parties, each of which wouldhave a share of the remaining 50 seats proportional toits shares of the vote vote..
The idea of the plan is to safeguard rivals'interests. Unthinkable as it is, it has its theoreticalbasis. The basic idea is that, under the new plan, thebasic interests of all the parties to the agreementwould be protected. In short, to come to an agreement,the reformers and the establishmentarians must makesure that the new system would safeguard both sides'interests and would wipe neither side out.
The Alliance for Universal Suffrage's package isby no means perfect. However, the doves have takengreat pains. To ensure that Hong Kong people willenjoy universal suffrage, they are prepared to fetterthemselves and limit the pan pan--democratic camp's powerwith systems. It is a shame that theestablishmentarians have yet to make any significantmove in response to it.
The establishmentarians have bashed radicaldemocrats' "de facto referendum" in a high high--profilemanner and, at the same time, cold cold--shoulderedmoderate democrats' "win win--win" plan. As they havetaken such an attitude, how can people believe theysincerely want Hong Kong's constitutional system toprogress?
If the doves are so disheartened by theestablishmentarians' stalling that they believe theircalls for communication will lead them nowhere nowhere, the, situation will only work to the hawks' advantage. Thefire of radicalism will burn even more fiercely. Thatwould not do Hong Kong any good. Therefore, theestablishmentarians must not allow themselves to beintoxicated by the low turnout. The central governmentand the SAR government must especially be sober.
Hong Kong's constitutional development is now at acritical juncture. They should seize the opportunity tointeract constructively with moderate democrats anddo away with what has hindered Hong Kong'sconstitutional reform.
明報社評
2010.05.17
補選落幕建制派應對「鴿派方案」釋出善意
5 區補選落幕了，由於建制派不參與，以及泛民有鷹鴿兩條路線之爭，所以，投票率低是意料中事。
昨日選擇不投票的人可分兩大類：一是傳統建制派的支持者，他們對民主的訴求與泛民有根本的分別；另一類則是泛民的支持者，他們對民主有堅實的追求，只是不認同公社聯盟的激進手法，因而選擇不投票。因此，昨日的低投票率，一個解讀是港人不認同「變相公投」這手段，但不可以解讀為港人不支持民主，甚或解讀為港人支持特區政府的政改方案。港人對民主、對要求落實真普選，有堅定不移的訴求，北京不要錯誤解讀。
過去幾個月，民主派的鴿派（包括民主黨多名立法會議員、學者和社會人士）組成了「終極普選聯盟」，他們於今年3 月13 日公布了政改建議，這個「鴿派方案」是香港政制討論的重要範式轉移，因為溫和民主派採取一個全新的策略──從「保障對方的利益」出發。
民主黨立法會議員張文光強調，大聯盟建議2020 年立法會增至100 席， 50席分區直選，選區從現時5 個重劃為7 個；另外50 席由全港選民不分選區投第二票給政黨，各政黨按得票比例分配議席。
這個方案的重點是「為對手着想」，看似匪夷所思，實則有其理論根據。其基礎是參與協議者的基本利益在新遊戲規則下將得到保障。簡言之，建制派與改革派要達成協議，就要確保新政制不會把對方趕盡殺絕，雙方利益都得到保障。
鴿派方案絕非完美，但用心良苦，為了實現普選，不惜在制度上自我約束，限制民主派的力量，確保對手獲得一定比例的議席。可惜，這方案迄今沒有得到建制派任何有意義的回應。
建制派一方面高調打擊激進民主派的「變相公投」，另一方面冷待溫和民主派的雙贏方案，如此取態，怎能叫人相信建制派是有誠意推動香港政制向前走？
如果鴿派被建制派拖至心灰意冷，認定溝通之路是虛假的話，只會益了鷹派，令激進之火愈燒愈烈，這決非香港之福。所以，建制派勿為昨天的低投票率而自我陶醉，特區政府和中央尤其要頭腦清醒，在這個香港政制發展的關鍵時刻，把握機會，與溫和民主派形成良性互動，打破政改瓶頸。
Glossary
paradigm //''ppaarr ???da daIIm/ m/ shift
a great and important change in the way something is done or thought about.
vote
The vote means the total number of votes in anelection.
nowhere
If something leads you nowhere, it has nosuccessful result for you.
Those who refrained from going to the pollsyesterday fall into two groups. In one are those whoalways support the establishmentarians. Their ideas ofdemocratisation differ radically from thepan pan--democrats'. In the other are supporters of thepan pan--democrats. They ardently crave democracy, butthey disapprove of the radical approach the alliancebetween the Civic Party and the League of SocialDemocrats has used. The low turnout may be taken asevidence that Hong Kong people do not approve of the"de facto referendum" strategy, but it is wrong to take itto mean they do not support democracy or theysupport the government's constitutional reformpackage. Hong Kong people do crave democratisationand genuine universal suffrage. Beijing must notmisread the situation.
Some months ago, some pan pan--democratic doves(including academics, members of the public and anumber of Democratic Party legislators) formed theAlliance for Universal Suffrage. It unveiled on 13 March2010 its proposed constitutional reform plan. Thedoves' plan represents a paradigm shift in thediscussion of Hong Kong's constitutional system, forthe moderate democrats have adopted a totally newstrategy - to protect their rivals' interests.
According to Cheung Man Man--kwong, a DemocraticParty legislator, the Alliance proposes that, in 2020,the Legislative Council should have 100 members.
Under the doves' plan, 50 of them would be returnedby geographical constituencies through directelections. There would be seven instead of fivegeographical constituencies. All voters would cast theirsecond votes for political parties, each of which wouldhave a share of the remaining 50 seats proportional toits shares of the vote vote..
The idea of the plan is to safeguard rivals'interests. Unthinkable as it is, it has its theoreticalbasis. The basic idea is that, under the new plan, thebasic interests of all the parties to the agreementwould be protected. In short, to come to an agreement,the reformers and the establishmentarians must makesure that the new system would safeguard both sides'interests and would wipe neither side out.
The Alliance for Universal Suffrage's package isby no means perfect. However, the doves have takengreat pains. To ensure that Hong Kong people willenjoy universal suffrage, they are prepared to fetterthemselves and limit the pan pan--democratic camp's powerwith systems. It is a shame that theestablishmentarians have yet to make any significantmove in response to it.
The establishmentarians have bashed radicaldemocrats' "de facto referendum" in a high high--profilemanner and, at the same time, cold cold--shoulderedmoderate democrats' "win win--win" plan. As they havetaken such an attitude, how can people believe theysincerely want Hong Kong's constitutional system toprogress?
If the doves are so disheartened by theestablishmentarians' stalling that they believe theircalls for communication will lead them nowhere nowhere, the, situation will only work to the hawks' advantage. Thefire of radicalism will burn even more fiercely. Thatwould not do Hong Kong any good. Therefore, theestablishmentarians must not allow themselves to beintoxicated by the low turnout. The central governmentand the SAR government must especially be sober.
Hong Kong's constitutional development is now at acritical juncture. They should seize the opportunity tointeract constructively with moderate democrats anddo away with what has hindered Hong Kong'sconstitutional reform.
明報社評
2010.05.17
補選落幕建制派應對「鴿派方案」釋出善意
5 區補選落幕了，由於建制派不參與，以及泛民有鷹鴿兩條路線之爭，所以，投票率低是意料中事。
昨日選擇不投票的人可分兩大類：一是傳統建制派的支持者，他們對民主的訴求與泛民有根本的分別；另一類則是泛民的支持者，他們對民主有堅實的追求，只是不認同公社聯盟的激進手法，因而選擇不投票。因此，昨日的低投票率，一個解讀是港人不認同「變相公投」這手段，但不可以解讀為港人不支持民主，甚或解讀為港人支持特區政府的政改方案。港人對民主、對要求落實真普選，有堅定不移的訴求，北京不要錯誤解讀。
過去幾個月，民主派的鴿派（包括民主黨多名立法會議員、學者和社會人士）組成了「終極普選聯盟」，他們於今年3 月13 日公布了政改建議，這個「鴿派方案」是香港政制討論的重要範式轉移，因為溫和民主派採取一個全新的策略──從「保障對方的利益」出發。
民主黨立法會議員張文光強調，大聯盟建議2020 年立法會增至100 席， 50席分區直選，選區從現時5 個重劃為7 個；另外50 席由全港選民不分選區投第二票給政黨，各政黨按得票比例分配議席。
這個方案的重點是「為對手着想」，看似匪夷所思，實則有其理論根據。其基礎是參與協議者的基本利益在新遊戲規則下將得到保障。簡言之，建制派與改革派要達成協議，就要確保新政制不會把對方趕盡殺絕，雙方利益都得到保障。
鴿派方案絕非完美，但用心良苦，為了實現普選，不惜在制度上自我約束，限制民主派的力量，確保對手獲得一定比例的議席。可惜，這方案迄今沒有得到建制派任何有意義的回應。
建制派一方面高調打擊激進民主派的「變相公投」，另一方面冷待溫和民主派的雙贏方案，如此取態，怎能叫人相信建制派是有誠意推動香港政制向前走？
如果鴿派被建制派拖至心灰意冷，認定溝通之路是虛假的話，只會益了鷹派，令激進之火愈燒愈烈，這決非香港之福。所以，建制派勿為昨天的低投票率而自我陶醉，特區政府和中央尤其要頭腦清醒，在這個香港政制發展的關鍵時刻，把握機會，與溫和民主派形成良性互動，打破政改瓶頸。
Glossary
paradigm //''ppaarr ???da daIIm/ m/ shift
a great and important change in the way something is done or thought about.
vote
The vote means the total number of votes in anelection.
nowhere
If something leads you nowhere, it has nosuccessful result for you.
2010年5月17日星期一
FSD is under fire
THE Office of the Ombudsman initiated a direct investigation into the Fire Services Department's (FSD's) regulation of eateries'fire safety facilities. Its conclusion is that the FSD'smanagement is outdated, and its regulation lax. Itsfindings lay bare two fundamental problems. First,owing to limitations of the FSD's establishment, itsadministration is not up to modern standard. Second,the Security Bureau has long been ignorant of theFSD's inadequacies or has long ignored them. It hasfailed to fulfil its supervisory function. It can hardlyescape the blame for what has happened at the FSD.The Office of the Ombudsman has called theFSD's management outdated and its regulation lax.This criticism is very severe indeed. Were the Directorof Fire Services an accountability official, he wouldhave to take the blame and step down. Being a civilservant, he need not do so. However, the problems theOffice of the Ombudsman has uncovered arelong-standing rather than new. It is clear from thesituation at the FSD that many of its former heads arealso to blame, as is the Security Bureau, whichsupervises the FSD.
The FSD's outdated management has to do withits characteristics. Its top posts are filled by internalpromotion. The head of the FSD may have muchknowledge of and great expertise in his line of work.However, one who has such professional qualificationsmay not be a capable administrator. When a fire fighterwas killed in the line of duty, his fellow officers wouldcomplain of inadequate equipment and otherproblems. Things have not worsened because top FSDofficers have managed to pacify them. However, firefighters' complaints indeed point to the FSD'smismanagement. They have been placated, but thatdoes not mean the FSD's management problems havedisappeared.
RTHK is in many ways similar to the FSD. Bothare special, and their top posts are filled by internalpromotion. RTHK was once beset with suchadministrative problems that some of its employeeswere prosecuted. Those problems cost RTHK dearly.Subsequently, the government appointed Gracie FooDeputy Director of Broadcasting. A shake-up helpedstop loopholes in RTHK's management system andreturn the broadcaster to the right track.
Departments like the FSD abhor the "parachuting"of administrative officers (AOs). In fact, it may beproblematic to have an AO head such a departmentbecause experts will then have to take instructionsfrom a layman. No AO is omnipotent. However, AOshave received training and have experience inadministration. Some say the government should makean AO Assistant Director of Fire Services. We believethat would go some way towards improving itsadministration. The AO may leave it when amanagement system is established. The governmentwould do well to consider this suggestion.
The FSD is under the Security Bureau. Is it awarethat FSD officers still process documents manually?The FSD has for years just appeared to carry outinspections at eateries. Does the Security Bureaueffectively supervise the FSD as it is duty bound to do?Such questions ought to be looked into. The SecurityBureau should try to correct mistakes if it has madethem and guard against them if it has not.
明報英語網「雙語社評」 english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
2010.05.14明報社評
部門職系首長有局限 宜有政務官協助管理
申訴專員公署（下稱公署）主動調查消防處的食肆消防安全規管工作，結論是消防處「管理落後，監管不嚴」，所暴露問題的性質，我們認為有兩點：（1）部門職系的局限，使部門的行政管理未能適應現代管理的要求，有很大關係；（2）保安局長期以來未察覺或漠視消防處力有不逮之處，未能發揮領導職能，對於消防處的現况，也有不可推卸的責任。
公署指消防處「管理落後，監管不嚴」，這個批評其實十分嚴厲；若是問責官員，大概就會被問責而下台了。消防處長是公務員，沒有問責下台的問題，但是申訴專員公署所揭露問題，並非一朝一夕、而是長期累積的結果，目前的情况，顯示歷任消防處的首長有責任，領導消防工作的保安局也責無旁貸。
消防處內部行政管理落後，與部門的特質有關，領導層由內部遞升，消防首長在其本職所需要知識、技能，或許甚為豐富和高強，但是具備這方面「專業」要求，並不顯示首長們具有行政管理的能力和要求。過去發生的消防員執勤時殉職事件，多會引來消防員隊伍投訴裝備不足等問題，雖然在領導層安撫下，事態未至惡化，但是消防員的投訴，乃反映消防處在管理上出現的問題。安撫了消防員的情緒，不等於解決了管理上的問題。
香港電台與消防處有相同之處，部門性質較特別，領導層都由內部升遷，過去香港電台行政管理上的種種漏弊，導致多名員工官司纏身，港台也為此付出沉重代價。後來政府派遣政務官出身的傅小慧出任副廣播處長，經過一番整頓，港台的行政管理漏弊才得以堵塞，重上正常軌道。
類似消防處的部門職系，極其抗拒政務官空降，事實上，政務官完全主導這類部門，不能排除外行領導內行之憂，政務官也並非萬能，但是政務官在行政管理的訓練和歷煉，若能夠出任副消防處長的職位，對於加強這類部門的行政管理，相信會起到一定作用。派遣政務官協助消防處長管理消防隊伍，或建立起一套管理模式後，政務官引退，由消防處自行運作，這個建議值得政府考慮。
保安局領導消防處工作，該處仍然用人手處理文牘，這些年來，保安局是否知悉？多年來，消防處巡查食肆根本只做表面工夫，保安局在監察和督促方面，是否已經盡其職能？類似問題，值得檢討，有則改之，無則加勉。
G lossary
in the line of dutywhile doing a job.placate /pl ?'keIt/pacify.omnipotent /?m'nIp ?t(?)nt/able to do anything.
每周一音標每周一音標《明報英語網》逢星期二推出「每周一音標」，以視像短片模式教授國際音標，真人發音，歡迎瀏覽
網址：english.mingpao.com
The FSD's outdated management has to do withits characteristics. Its top posts are filled by internalpromotion. The head of the FSD may have muchknowledge of and great expertise in his line of work.However, one who has such professional qualificationsmay not be a capable administrator. When a fire fighterwas killed in the line of duty, his fellow officers wouldcomplain of inadequate equipment and otherproblems. Things have not worsened because top FSDofficers have managed to pacify them. However, firefighters' complaints indeed point to the FSD'smismanagement. They have been placated, but thatdoes not mean the FSD's management problems havedisappeared.
RTHK is in many ways similar to the FSD. Bothare special, and their top posts are filled by internalpromotion. RTHK was once beset with suchadministrative problems that some of its employeeswere prosecuted. Those problems cost RTHK dearly.Subsequently, the government appointed Gracie FooDeputy Director of Broadcasting. A shake-up helpedstop loopholes in RTHK's management system andreturn the broadcaster to the right track.
Departments like the FSD abhor the "parachuting"of administrative officers (AOs). In fact, it may beproblematic to have an AO head such a departmentbecause experts will then have to take instructionsfrom a layman. No AO is omnipotent. However, AOshave received training and have experience inadministration. Some say the government should makean AO Assistant Director of Fire Services. We believethat would go some way towards improving itsadministration. The AO may leave it when amanagement system is established. The governmentwould do well to consider this suggestion.
The FSD is under the Security Bureau. Is it awarethat FSD officers still process documents manually?The FSD has for years just appeared to carry outinspections at eateries. Does the Security Bureaueffectively supervise the FSD as it is duty bound to do?Such questions ought to be looked into. The SecurityBureau should try to correct mistakes if it has madethem and guard against them if it has not.
明報英語網「雙語社評」 english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
2010.05.14明報社評
部門職系首長有局限 宜有政務官協助管理
申訴專員公署（下稱公署）主動調查消防處的食肆消防安全規管工作，結論是消防處「管理落後，監管不嚴」，所暴露問題的性質，我們認為有兩點：（1）部門職系的局限，使部門的行政管理未能適應現代管理的要求，有很大關係；（2）保安局長期以來未察覺或漠視消防處力有不逮之處，未能發揮領導職能，對於消防處的現况，也有不可推卸的責任。
公署指消防處「管理落後，監管不嚴」，這個批評其實十分嚴厲；若是問責官員，大概就會被問責而下台了。消防處長是公務員，沒有問責下台的問題，但是申訴專員公署所揭露問題，並非一朝一夕、而是長期累積的結果，目前的情况，顯示歷任消防處的首長有責任，領導消防工作的保安局也責無旁貸。
消防處內部行政管理落後，與部門的特質有關，領導層由內部遞升，消防首長在其本職所需要知識、技能，或許甚為豐富和高強，但是具備這方面「專業」要求，並不顯示首長們具有行政管理的能力和要求。過去發生的消防員執勤時殉職事件，多會引來消防員隊伍投訴裝備不足等問題，雖然在領導層安撫下，事態未至惡化，但是消防員的投訴，乃反映消防處在管理上出現的問題。安撫了消防員的情緒，不等於解決了管理上的問題。
香港電台與消防處有相同之處，部門性質較特別，領導層都由內部升遷，過去香港電台行政管理上的種種漏弊，導致多名員工官司纏身，港台也為此付出沉重代價。後來政府派遣政務官出身的傅小慧出任副廣播處長，經過一番整頓，港台的行政管理漏弊才得以堵塞，重上正常軌道。
類似消防處的部門職系，極其抗拒政務官空降，事實上，政務官完全主導這類部門，不能排除外行領導內行之憂，政務官也並非萬能，但是政務官在行政管理的訓練和歷煉，若能夠出任副消防處長的職位，對於加強這類部門的行政管理，相信會起到一定作用。派遣政務官協助消防處長管理消防隊伍，或建立起一套管理模式後，政務官引退，由消防處自行運作，這個建議值得政府考慮。
保安局領導消防處工作，該處仍然用人手處理文牘，這些年來，保安局是否知悉？多年來，消防處巡查食肆根本只做表面工夫，保安局在監察和督促方面，是否已經盡其職能？類似問題，值得檢討，有則改之，無則加勉。
G lossary
in the line of dutywhile doing a job.placate /pl ?'keIt/pacify.omnipotent /?m'nIp ?t(?)nt/able to do anything.
每周一音標每周一音標《明報英語網》逢星期二推出「每周一音標」，以視像短片模式教授國際音標，真人發音，歡迎瀏覽
網址：english.mingpao.com
2010年5月16日星期日
2010年5月14日星期五
Only way to stabilise property market
THE auction of a site in Tung Chung, which theauctioneer has described as "unusual", showsthat Hong Kong's property market iscomplicated, that many factors may cause changes init and, one may say, that the government's measuresto regulate it have begun to produce results. However,if the government's policy remains as it is, new flats willstill be in short supply in the next three to five years.The government must not think it has succeeded atone go just because of the auction. It should take thelong view. It should try in earnest to rationalise thesupply and demand of flats and building sites andensure that sales of uncompleted flats are fair andreasonable so that the property market will develophealthily.
The site went for $3.42 billion. It is only 19%higher than the offer that had triggered the auction.Under the application list system, a bid amounting to80% of the open market value of a site will trigger itsauction. Therefore, the transaction price is virtually thereserve price, the least market participants hadexpected it to fetch. It is much lower than what theyhad expected it would fetch (between $4.2 billion and$5.6 billion). On the seaside Tung Chung site over2,000 flats can be produced. Though property priceshave gone up a bit less steeply, flats will still be inshort supply, and property prices will remain high. It issurely unusual that no major developers have beeninterested in it.
To officials responsible for carrying out thegovernment's land policy, the "unusual" auction of theTung Chung site is like a glass of icy water one sipswhen it is freezing. They have keenly felt every bit of it.It shows it is wise of the government to decide to tacklethe situation as it has planned. Simply by dealing withsupply and leaving it to market forces to determineprices, it can cause changes in the distorted propertymarket.
It has been suggested that the "unusual" landauction resulted from the government's "ninemeasures and twelve moves". If it did, there aredeep-rooted problems with the property market. Theymust be solved before it can return to normal. The"nine measures and twelve moves" are only designedto ensure fair transactions by making sales ofuncompleted flats more transparent. Developers arerequired only to respect homebuyers' basic rights - forexample, to allow them to take measurements of showflats. Some may say show flats will be overcrowded ifhomebuyers may do so. However, to solve theproblem, developers only need to display accuratemeasurements in their show flats so that homebuyerswill get the figures they need at one glance. Thegovernment still relies on developers to policethemselves. It should closely monitor the situation. Ifthose measures do not ensure fair transactions, itshould try to protect homebuyers' rights by legislation.
The auction of the Tung Chung site has hadanother effect. As land premia have not gone upsharply, there is hope of reversing the expectation thatproperty prices will always go up and never comedown. People may be less anxious to vie with oneanother to "go aboard", and the government may havemore time and greater latitude to straighten theproperty market out. Apart from increasing land supplyand ensuring fair property sales, the governmentshould consider regularly making mid- and long-termhousing strategies as it did. It should scientificallyascertain flat demand, make plans to meet it and holdregular land auctions. Only if supply is always largelyin equilibrium with demand will the property marketdevelop healthily and normally. Only that is in HongKong's best interests.
明報社評
2010.05.13
糾正供不應求弊端 穩定樓市不二法門
拍賣官形容為「不尋常」的東涌土地拍賣，反映本港樓市複雜詭譎一面，也顯示樓市受多方面因素影響的變動不居一面，也可以說政府的調控樓市措施初見成效。但是按現行政策，未來3 至5 年新落成樓宇供應緊絀的基本格局，並未改變；政府不應因為一時一地的拍賣而以為一舉成功，政府應該高瞻遠矚，認真梳理好土地和樓宇的供求關係，並確保售賣樓花的程序公平合理，讓樓市可以健康發展。
地皮最終以34.2 億元成交，較勾地價僅高出19%，在八折勾地機制下，成交價實際上就是底價，是市場預期下限，與市場原先估計成交價介乎42 億至56 億元，有較大差距。東涌這幅臨海土地，可建逾2000 個單位，近期樓市雖云稍為「唞氣」，但是供不應求格局未變，樓價高居不下趨勢持續，大發展商對這幅地卻興趣缺缺，確實有點不合常理。
這次拍賣東涌地的不尋常情况，相信主管土地政策的官員，會有「寒天飲冰水，點滴在心頭」的感受，經此一事，政府按原定步調對應，是明智決定，政府只要在供應面下工夫，透過正常市場機制決定價格，自然可以改變已經扭曲了的樓市。
另外，若「9 招12 式」導致拍賣東涌地「不尋常」的猜測屬實，其性質就顯示樓市存在深層次問題，若不解決，本港樓市就不可能回復常態。所謂「9 招12 式」，只是增加售賣樓花的透明度，創造一個公平交易環境，要求發展商做的措施，對準業主而言，只屬基本權利，例如在示範單位內度尺，若發展商認為會妨礙人流，則只要發展商在示範單位內標示尺寸，讓準業主一目了然，問題自然解決。目前政策仍倚賴發展商自律，政府應密切監察落實情况，若措施未能達至公平交易，政府就必須立法來保障準業主的權益。
東涌賣地結果產生了一個效果，由於即地價並未飈升，有望扭轉市民認為樓價只升不跌的預期，市民爭相「上車」，唯恐落後的情况會有所紓緩。這個情况下，給予政府較多時間和較大空間理順樓市，除了持續增加土地供應，確保發展商公平售樓以外，政府應該研議恢復定期制訂中長期房屋策略，以科學方式找出真正需求，然後制訂供應方案，定期賣地。只有房屋市場經常處於供求基本平衡，樓市才會健康合理發展，也才符合香港的最大利益。
Glossary
in earnest
more seriously and with more force or effortthan before.
latitude /'latItju:d/
freedom to choose what you do or the way thatyou do it.
ascertain /?as ?'teIn/
find out the true or correct information (onsomething).
The site went for $3.42 billion. It is only 19%higher than the offer that had triggered the auction.Under the application list system, a bid amounting to80% of the open market value of a site will trigger itsauction. Therefore, the transaction price is virtually thereserve price, the least market participants hadexpected it to fetch. It is much lower than what theyhad expected it would fetch (between $4.2 billion and$5.6 billion). On the seaside Tung Chung site over2,000 flats can be produced. Though property priceshave gone up a bit less steeply, flats will still be inshort supply, and property prices will remain high. It issurely unusual that no major developers have beeninterested in it.
To officials responsible for carrying out thegovernment's land policy, the "unusual" auction of theTung Chung site is like a glass of icy water one sipswhen it is freezing. They have keenly felt every bit of it.It shows it is wise of the government to decide to tacklethe situation as it has planned. Simply by dealing withsupply and leaving it to market forces to determineprices, it can cause changes in the distorted propertymarket.
It has been suggested that the "unusual" landauction resulted from the government's "ninemeasures and twelve moves". If it did, there aredeep-rooted problems with the property market. Theymust be solved before it can return to normal. The"nine measures and twelve moves" are only designedto ensure fair transactions by making sales ofuncompleted flats more transparent. Developers arerequired only to respect homebuyers' basic rights - forexample, to allow them to take measurements of showflats. Some may say show flats will be overcrowded ifhomebuyers may do so. However, to solve theproblem, developers only need to display accuratemeasurements in their show flats so that homebuyerswill get the figures they need at one glance. Thegovernment still relies on developers to policethemselves. It should closely monitor the situation. Ifthose measures do not ensure fair transactions, itshould try to protect homebuyers' rights by legislation.
The auction of the Tung Chung site has hadanother effect. As land premia have not gone upsharply, there is hope of reversing the expectation thatproperty prices will always go up and never comedown. People may be less anxious to vie with oneanother to "go aboard", and the government may havemore time and greater latitude to straighten theproperty market out. Apart from increasing land supplyand ensuring fair property sales, the governmentshould consider regularly making mid- and long-termhousing strategies as it did. It should scientificallyascertain flat demand, make plans to meet it and holdregular land auctions. Only if supply is always largelyin equilibrium with demand will the property marketdevelop healthily and normally. Only that is in HongKong's best interests.
明報社評
2010.05.13
糾正供不應求弊端 穩定樓市不二法門
拍賣官形容為「不尋常」的東涌土地拍賣，反映本港樓市複雜詭譎一面，也顯示樓市受多方面因素影響的變動不居一面，也可以說政府的調控樓市措施初見成效。但是按現行政策，未來3 至5 年新落成樓宇供應緊絀的基本格局，並未改變；政府不應因為一時一地的拍賣而以為一舉成功，政府應該高瞻遠矚，認真梳理好土地和樓宇的供求關係，並確保售賣樓花的程序公平合理，讓樓市可以健康發展。
地皮最終以34.2 億元成交，較勾地價僅高出19%，在八折勾地機制下，成交價實際上就是底價，是市場預期下限，與市場原先估計成交價介乎42 億至56 億元，有較大差距。東涌這幅臨海土地，可建逾2000 個單位，近期樓市雖云稍為「唞氣」，但是供不應求格局未變，樓價高居不下趨勢持續，大發展商對這幅地卻興趣缺缺，確實有點不合常理。
這次拍賣東涌地的不尋常情况，相信主管土地政策的官員，會有「寒天飲冰水，點滴在心頭」的感受，經此一事，政府按原定步調對應，是明智決定，政府只要在供應面下工夫，透過正常市場機制決定價格，自然可以改變已經扭曲了的樓市。
另外，若「9 招12 式」導致拍賣東涌地「不尋常」的猜測屬實，其性質就顯示樓市存在深層次問題，若不解決，本港樓市就不可能回復常態。所謂「9 招12 式」，只是增加售賣樓花的透明度，創造一個公平交易環境，要求發展商做的措施，對準業主而言，只屬基本權利，例如在示範單位內度尺，若發展商認為會妨礙人流，則只要發展商在示範單位內標示尺寸，讓準業主一目了然，問題自然解決。目前政策仍倚賴發展商自律，政府應密切監察落實情况，若措施未能達至公平交易，政府就必須立法來保障準業主的權益。
東涌賣地結果產生了一個效果，由於即地價並未飈升，有望扭轉市民認為樓價只升不跌的預期，市民爭相「上車」，唯恐落後的情况會有所紓緩。這個情况下，給予政府較多時間和較大空間理順樓市，除了持續增加土地供應，確保發展商公平售樓以外，政府應該研議恢復定期制訂中長期房屋策略，以科學方式找出真正需求，然後制訂供應方案，定期賣地。只有房屋市場經常處於供求基本平衡，樓市才會健康合理發展，也才符合香港的最大利益。
Glossary
in earnest
more seriously and with more force or effortthan before.
latitude /'latItju:d/
freedom to choose what you do or the way thatyou do it.
ascertain /?as ?'teIn/
find out the true or correct information (onsomething).
2010年5月13日星期四
New tofu houses in Sichuan
TODAY is the second anniversary of theWenchuan quake. The disaster, whichclaimed about 90,000 lives, remains a greatsorrow of the Chinese nation.
In the wake of the quake, the mainland authoritiespledged that, to do right by the victims, they wouldthoroughly look into the tofu construction scandal. Onthe first anniversary of the earthquake, the Sichuangovernment concluded that victims had died of theforce majeure of the high-magnitude quake and nonehad died because of tofu construction. The mainlandauthorities have since vigorously repressed those whohave brought the tofu construction scandal to light. Theauthorities may think people should look forwardinstead of being entangled in the past. However,because they refuse to face the facts and punish thoseresponsible for tofu constructions, they cannot deterothers, and the problem remains uncured. Ourreporters have returned to the quake zone. There theyhave seen newly completed tofu houses.
They went to Shuangnian Village, Chenjiaba,Beicun, which is under Mianyang's jurisdiction. Theydiscovered that some new houses the local authoritiesand contractors had built there were not safe in normalcircumstances, even less in an earthquake. Aboutthirty two-storey houses have been built in the village.Each storey is 90 square metres in area. One suchhouse costs about 140,000 yuan. The householdseach received a subsidy of 19,000 yuan at most fromthe local government. They had to raise the rest.Without collateral, they each obtained a bank loan of60,000 yuan at most. They had to borrow the rest fromtheir friends and relatives.
After they had returned to Hong Kong, ourreporters showed some pictures they had taken ofhouses there to two experts who are members of theHong Kong Institute of Engineers. Both wereconvinced that those houses were tofu constructions.They said their pillar bases were so shaky that theywere in danger of collapse even when no earthquakethreatened. According to a conscionable Beicuncontractor, those who carry out reconstruction projectsmust follow an unwritten rule governing dealingsbetween corrupt officials and businesses. Someofficials demand a kickback of at least severalthousand yuan for a one-million-yuan contract.Companies awarded reconstruction contracts scampwork and stint material so that their profit margins areas high as 40% . "Thus quake victims' hard-earnedmoney becomes lethal tofu houses!"
Shuangnian Village, Chenjiaba, is to the hugequake-stricken area what a drop is to the ocean. Wehope its tofu constructions are isolated cases.However, the alarming information our reportersgathered during their short trip (including what somecontractors told them) has made us aware that caseslike those in Shuangnian Village are by no means rare.New houses shoddily built with inferior material aboundin the quake-stricken area.
The central government requires local authoritiesto put quality first and be concerned about people'ssafety. There is no doubt about that. However, itcannot prevent official-business collusion or detercontractors from building shoddy houses. In our view,this is the case not only because local officials are vilebut also because none has been held responsiblethough many fell victim to tofu constructions two yearsago in the earthquake. This may have led local officialsto believe there is nothing the central government cando as long as all take bribes and tofu houses are foundeverywhere. If the generality of officials in thequake-stricken area think so, we can only prey for thesafety of those who live there.
There are new tofu houses in the quake-strickenarea. There is nothing the SAR government can doabout it. We can only ask it to do its bit - to make surethat the reconstruction projects it sponsors are of highquality and that they are carried out in a highlytransparent manner. It must not allow any reconstructionproject Hong Kong sponsors to become lethal.
川震重建又有豆腐渣質量重如山只是口號？
今日是四川汶川大地震兩周年，這場奪去約9 萬名同胞性命的災難，至今仍然是民族的大傷痛。
大地震發生之後，內地政府曾經承諾徹查豆腐渣工程，還死者一個公道，但是在地震1 周年之際，四川當局已經有了結論，認為災難主要因為「高強度地震的不可抗力」、「沒有人死於豆腐渣工程」。此後強力打壓民間揭發豆腐渣工程。當局或許認為民衆應該向前看，不要糾纏於過去，但是當局不肯面對事實，不懲治豆腐渣工程的人應得之罪，就無法收懲前毖後，治病救人之效。本報記者今次重返災區，就發現重建中有豆腐渣工程。
記者在地震重災區綿陽市轄下北川鎮陳家壩雙埝村，發現當地政府與施工商重建的樓房，不要說遇到大地震，就算平時也有安全問題。據記者採訪所得，該村重建約30 間雙層樓房，每層面積約90 方米，售價每間約需14 萬元。當地政府每間補助最多1.9 萬元，居民要自行籌措其他費用，由於沒有抵押，居民最多只得到銀行6萬元貸款，其餘不足之數要向親友借貸。
回港後，記者把拍攝得的樓房照片給香港工程師學會2 名專家研判，兩人一致認定這些樓房是豆腐渣，認為樓房連柱底都建得不穩，毋須地震也可能有倒塌危險。北川一名良心建築商則聲稱，災區重建受制於官商勾結的貪腐「潛規則」，部分政府外判百萬工程至少要求回佣數萬元，建築商接工程後再偷工減料，利潤高達40%， 「災民的血汗錢就是這樣變成要命的豆腐渣」。
陳家壩雙埝村在偌大的災區，只是滄海一粟，它的豆腐渣樓房，我們希望只是重建中的孤例。可是在短短的採訪過程中，包括來自個別施工商的信息，使我們驚覺到陳家壩雙埝村的個案，並非個別事件，災區重建偷工減料情况相當普遍。
中央對於重建要求質量為先，以人民生命安全為念，完全不用置疑，卻阻止不了地方上官商勾結，偷工減料；我們認為，除了地方官員的劣根性，兩年前大地震豆腐渣工程害了這麼多人，卻無任何人需要負責，對此，地方官員可能解讀為：只要大家都貪，造成豆腐渣工程遍地開花的既定事實，則中央最終也無可奈何。如果這是災區地方官員的普遍「認知」，則我們只能為災區居民的安危祈禱了。
特區政府對於災區重建出現豆腐渣工程，無旋轉乾坤之力，我們只能要求特區政府做好本分，於援建項目做好質量把關工夫，以重質重量、高度透明的方式全面落實，絕對不能出現有朝一日，香港援建的項目成為殺人項目的情况。
Glossary
sorrow
cause of sorrow.
force majeure /?f ɔ:s ma'??:(r)/irresistible compulsion or coercion.
scamp /skamp/
do in a perfunctory or inadequate way.
In the wake of the quake, the mainland authoritiespledged that, to do right by the victims, they wouldthoroughly look into the tofu construction scandal. Onthe first anniversary of the earthquake, the Sichuangovernment concluded that victims had died of theforce majeure of the high-magnitude quake and nonehad died because of tofu construction. The mainlandauthorities have since vigorously repressed those whohave brought the tofu construction scandal to light. Theauthorities may think people should look forwardinstead of being entangled in the past. However,because they refuse to face the facts and punish thoseresponsible for tofu constructions, they cannot deterothers, and the problem remains uncured. Ourreporters have returned to the quake zone. There theyhave seen newly completed tofu houses.
They went to Shuangnian Village, Chenjiaba,Beicun, which is under Mianyang's jurisdiction. Theydiscovered that some new houses the local authoritiesand contractors had built there were not safe in normalcircumstances, even less in an earthquake. Aboutthirty two-storey houses have been built in the village.Each storey is 90 square metres in area. One suchhouse costs about 140,000 yuan. The householdseach received a subsidy of 19,000 yuan at most fromthe local government. They had to raise the rest.Without collateral, they each obtained a bank loan of60,000 yuan at most. They had to borrow the rest fromtheir friends and relatives.
After they had returned to Hong Kong, ourreporters showed some pictures they had taken ofhouses there to two experts who are members of theHong Kong Institute of Engineers. Both wereconvinced that those houses were tofu constructions.They said their pillar bases were so shaky that theywere in danger of collapse even when no earthquakethreatened. According to a conscionable Beicuncontractor, those who carry out reconstruction projectsmust follow an unwritten rule governing dealingsbetween corrupt officials and businesses. Someofficials demand a kickback of at least severalthousand yuan for a one-million-yuan contract.Companies awarded reconstruction contracts scampwork and stint material so that their profit margins areas high as 40% . "Thus quake victims' hard-earnedmoney becomes lethal tofu houses!"
Shuangnian Village, Chenjiaba, is to the hugequake-stricken area what a drop is to the ocean. Wehope its tofu constructions are isolated cases.However, the alarming information our reportersgathered during their short trip (including what somecontractors told them) has made us aware that caseslike those in Shuangnian Village are by no means rare.New houses shoddily built with inferior material aboundin the quake-stricken area.
The central government requires local authoritiesto put quality first and be concerned about people'ssafety. There is no doubt about that. However, itcannot prevent official-business collusion or detercontractors from building shoddy houses. In our view,this is the case not only because local officials are vilebut also because none has been held responsiblethough many fell victim to tofu constructions two yearsago in the earthquake. This may have led local officialsto believe there is nothing the central government cando as long as all take bribes and tofu houses are foundeverywhere. If the generality of officials in thequake-stricken area think so, we can only prey for thesafety of those who live there.
There are new tofu houses in the quake-strickenarea. There is nothing the SAR government can doabout it. We can only ask it to do its bit - to make surethat the reconstruction projects it sponsors are of highquality and that they are carried out in a highlytransparent manner. It must not allow any reconstructionproject Hong Kong sponsors to become lethal.
川震重建又有豆腐渣質量重如山只是口號？
今日是四川汶川大地震兩周年，這場奪去約9 萬名同胞性命的災難，至今仍然是民族的大傷痛。
大地震發生之後，內地政府曾經承諾徹查豆腐渣工程，還死者一個公道，但是在地震1 周年之際，四川當局已經有了結論，認為災難主要因為「高強度地震的不可抗力」、「沒有人死於豆腐渣工程」。此後強力打壓民間揭發豆腐渣工程。當局或許認為民衆應該向前看，不要糾纏於過去，但是當局不肯面對事實，不懲治豆腐渣工程的人應得之罪，就無法收懲前毖後，治病救人之效。本報記者今次重返災區，就發現重建中有豆腐渣工程。
記者在地震重災區綿陽市轄下北川鎮陳家壩雙埝村，發現當地政府與施工商重建的樓房，不要說遇到大地震，就算平時也有安全問題。據記者採訪所得，該村重建約30 間雙層樓房，每層面積約90 方米，售價每間約需14 萬元。當地政府每間補助最多1.9 萬元，居民要自行籌措其他費用，由於沒有抵押，居民最多只得到銀行6萬元貸款，其餘不足之數要向親友借貸。
回港後，記者把拍攝得的樓房照片給香港工程師學會2 名專家研判，兩人一致認定這些樓房是豆腐渣，認為樓房連柱底都建得不穩，毋須地震也可能有倒塌危險。北川一名良心建築商則聲稱，災區重建受制於官商勾結的貪腐「潛規則」，部分政府外判百萬工程至少要求回佣數萬元，建築商接工程後再偷工減料，利潤高達40%， 「災民的血汗錢就是這樣變成要命的豆腐渣」。
陳家壩雙埝村在偌大的災區，只是滄海一粟，它的豆腐渣樓房，我們希望只是重建中的孤例。可是在短短的採訪過程中，包括來自個別施工商的信息，使我們驚覺到陳家壩雙埝村的個案，並非個別事件，災區重建偷工減料情况相當普遍。
中央對於重建要求質量為先，以人民生命安全為念，完全不用置疑，卻阻止不了地方上官商勾結，偷工減料；我們認為，除了地方官員的劣根性，兩年前大地震豆腐渣工程害了這麼多人，卻無任何人需要負責，對此，地方官員可能解讀為：只要大家都貪，造成豆腐渣工程遍地開花的既定事實，則中央最終也無可奈何。如果這是災區地方官員的普遍「認知」，則我們只能為災區居民的安危祈禱了。
特區政府對於災區重建出現豆腐渣工程，無旋轉乾坤之力，我們只能要求特區政府做好本分，於援建項目做好質量把關工夫，以重質重量、高度透明的方式全面落實，絕對不能出現有朝一日，香港援建的項目成為殺人項目的情况。
Glossary
sorrow
cause of sorrow.
force majeure /?f ɔ:s ma'??:(r)/irresistible compulsion or coercion.
scamp /skamp/
do in a perfunctory or inadequate way.
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