2010年7月31日星期六
2010年7月30日星期五
暢所欲言A-Z
一起暢所欲言，閒話家常。融會文化及生活的語言，才是活的語言。逢周三刊出。
Oedipus 伊底帕斯
希臘神話中伊底帕斯是一個悲劇人物，他是王子，但由於國王受到神諭警告，說他長大成人之後會威脅國王的生命，於是國王命人殺死王子，可是那人不忍心殺死他，但又不敢違背王命，只好把小王子倒掛在樹上，最後被其他人收養。但小王子不知道自己的身世，有次國王微服朝聖，他不肯讓路給國王，國王的隨從殺了他的馬，他一怒之下殺了國王及隨從。最後他因救了國家被擁戴為王，娶了生母為妻，最後發現真相，因內疚而瘋了。
相關字詞
oracle 神諭警告throne 王位
swollen-footed 腫脹的腳（Oedipus 名字的意思）
omelette 奄列
不同地方的奄列（omelette） 有不同風味。除了我們常見的西式奄列，還有西班牙式馬鈴薯奄列。馬鈴薯奄列有一塊厚厚的蛋，包着馬鈴薯和洋葱等蔬菜。日本的奄列除了指常見的西式奄列外，還有當地有名的Omuraisu 和Omu-soba，前者是蛋皮包炒飯，後者是蛋皮包炒麵。就連中式的蚵仔煎餅或蠔餅（oyster omelette） 也是奄列的一種，不過無論奄列怎樣變化，也離不開一層被煎至金黃色的蛋餅。
相關字詞
馬鈴薯奄列potato omelette蚵仔煎餅/ 蠔餅oyster omeletteAlaska salmon omelette 阿拉斯加三文魚奄列
Odyssey 《奧德修記》
《奧德修記》是古希臘詩人荷馬的經典文學作品，內容關於主角烏利西斯波折重重的旅程，要面對海妖使人投海自盡的歌聲、太陽女兒的魔法、太陽神的雷擊等，最後烏利西斯排除萬難重返家園。現代作家克拉克以Odyssey 命名他的科幻小說，這部小說還拍成電影，名叫《2001 太空漫遊》。
相關字詞
Ulysses 烏利西斯
the Siren 海妖
2001: A Space Odyssey 《2001 太空漫遊》
運用以上任何一個字，撰寫一段約50 字的英語段落，連同個人資料（姓名及地址）寄柴灣嘉業街18 號明報工業中心A 座15 樓明報編輯部「通通識」，或電郵至english@mingpao.com，被抽中者即可獲贈由商務印書館送出《我敢讀英語話題詞——隨身聽讀版》一本，每期名額一個。
上期得獎者：Vicky Fung
資料來源：《我敢讀英語話題詞—隨身聽讀版》，商務印書館出版
Oedipus 伊底帕斯
希臘神話中伊底帕斯是一個悲劇人物，他是王子，但由於國王受到神諭警告，說他長大成人之後會威脅國王的生命，於是國王命人殺死王子，可是那人不忍心殺死他，但又不敢違背王命，只好把小王子倒掛在樹上，最後被其他人收養。但小王子不知道自己的身世，有次國王微服朝聖，他不肯讓路給國王，國王的隨從殺了他的馬，他一怒之下殺了國王及隨從。最後他因救了國家被擁戴為王，娶了生母為妻，最後發現真相，因內疚而瘋了。
相關字詞
oracle 神諭警告throne 王位
swollen-footed 腫脹的腳（Oedipus 名字的意思）
omelette 奄列
不同地方的奄列（omelette） 有不同風味。除了我們常見的西式奄列，還有西班牙式馬鈴薯奄列。馬鈴薯奄列有一塊厚厚的蛋，包着馬鈴薯和洋葱等蔬菜。日本的奄列除了指常見的西式奄列外，還有當地有名的Omuraisu 和Omu-soba，前者是蛋皮包炒飯，後者是蛋皮包炒麵。就連中式的蚵仔煎餅或蠔餅（oyster omelette） 也是奄列的一種，不過無論奄列怎樣變化，也離不開一層被煎至金黃色的蛋餅。
相關字詞
馬鈴薯奄列potato omelette蚵仔煎餅/ 蠔餅oyster omeletteAlaska salmon omelette 阿拉斯加三文魚奄列
Odyssey 《奧德修記》
《奧德修記》是古希臘詩人荷馬的經典文學作品，內容關於主角烏利西斯波折重重的旅程，要面對海妖使人投海自盡的歌聲、太陽女兒的魔法、太陽神的雷擊等，最後烏利西斯排除萬難重返家園。現代作家克拉克以Odyssey 命名他的科幻小說，這部小說還拍成電影，名叫《2001 太空漫遊》。
相關字詞
Ulysses 烏利西斯
the Siren 海妖
2001: A Space Odyssey 《2001 太空漫遊》
運用以上任何一個字，撰寫一段約50 字的英語段落，連同個人資料（姓名及地址）寄柴灣嘉業街18 號明報工業中心A 座15 樓明報編輯部「通通識」，或電郵至english@mingpao.com，被抽中者即可獲贈由商務印書館送出《我敢讀英語話題詞——隨身聽讀版》一本，每期名額一個。
上期得獎者：Vicky Fung
資料來源：《我敢讀英語話題詞—隨身聽讀版》，商務印書館出版
Mainland-powered baby boom
Hong Kong's population is projected to swell to nearly nine million in 30 years, according to the census and statistics commissioner, who released other interesting figures.
Over this time, the number of elderly residents will grow from the current 13 percent of the population to 29 percent.
One reason for this is that people in Hong Kong now have a longer life expectancy, second only to Japan. In addition, local women are having fewer babies.
Fortunately, the number of births by mainland parents in the SAR has shot up from a few thousand a year to 30,000 in 2009. And from mid-2038 to mid-2039, it is projected to hit 43,000 yearly - making up about half of the total birth rate.
So, if not for the mainlanders, the percentage of Hong Kong's aging population would be a lot higher. It's part of reality. Ten years ago, one seldom ran across anyone speaking Putonghua. Today, Putonghua-speaking people are everywhere - the MTR trains, buses, the lift, and even next door to you.
It's something we all have to live with, but that shouldn't pose a problem. After all, Hong Kong is and has always been an international society. In fact, after World War II and the rise of communism in China in 1949, it became mainly a city of refugees.
The bigger picture is integration, especially with the mainland. This is vital, not only to neighboring cities such as Shenzhen and Guangzhou, but even further to Beijing and Shanghai. As well, those born here to mainland parents choose to educate their children or work in Hong Kong.
The authorities, therefore, need to have the hardware - the schools, flats and the transportation infrastructure - well in place to cater for this.
Commissioner for Census and Statistics Fung Hing-wang said the number of births by 2039 is projected to lie between 84,000 and 96,000 per annum.
"The number of [babies] born in Hong Kong to mainland women will continue to increase in the coming three years," he said.
The projected figures for 2010, 2011 and 2012 are 40,500, 45,500 and 49,500 respectively.
Overall, it is projected that about 92 percent of babies by mainland women whose spouses are permanent Hong Kong residents, and 52 percent of those by mainland parents will remain here before reaching the age of 21.
The Hong Kong resident population will rise at an average annual rate of 0.8 percent, from seven million in mid- 2009, to 8.89 million in mid-2039.
"The population is expected to remain on an aging trend. The proportion of the population aged 65 and over is projected to rise markedly, from 13 percent in 2009, to 28 percent in 2039," Fung said.
Unlike their fathers and grandfathers, Hong Kong people nowadays don't bury their heads and work 12 hours a day. They want much more in life, in particular to live where there's a lot of greenery and fresh air.
So besides infrastructure, we will need to improve the environment.
英文虎報
Central Station | By Mary Ma
Over this time, the number of elderly residents will grow from the current 13 percent of the population to 29 percent.
One reason for this is that people in Hong Kong now have a longer life expectancy, second only to Japan. In addition, local women are having fewer babies.
Fortunately, the number of births by mainland parents in the SAR has shot up from a few thousand a year to 30,000 in 2009. And from mid-2038 to mid-2039, it is projected to hit 43,000 yearly - making up about half of the total birth rate.
So, if not for the mainlanders, the percentage of Hong Kong's aging population would be a lot higher. It's part of reality. Ten years ago, one seldom ran across anyone speaking Putonghua. Today, Putonghua-speaking people are everywhere - the MTR trains, buses, the lift, and even next door to you.
It's something we all have to live with, but that shouldn't pose a problem. After all, Hong Kong is and has always been an international society. In fact, after World War II and the rise of communism in China in 1949, it became mainly a city of refugees.
The bigger picture is integration, especially with the mainland. This is vital, not only to neighboring cities such as Shenzhen and Guangzhou, but even further to Beijing and Shanghai. As well, those born here to mainland parents choose to educate their children or work in Hong Kong.
The authorities, therefore, need to have the hardware - the schools, flats and the transportation infrastructure - well in place to cater for this.
Commissioner for Census and Statistics Fung Hing-wang said the number of births by 2039 is projected to lie between 84,000 and 96,000 per annum.
"The number of [babies] born in Hong Kong to mainland women will continue to increase in the coming three years," he said.
The projected figures for 2010, 2011 and 2012 are 40,500, 45,500 and 49,500 respectively.
Overall, it is projected that about 92 percent of babies by mainland women whose spouses are permanent Hong Kong residents, and 52 percent of those by mainland parents will remain here before reaching the age of 21.
The Hong Kong resident population will rise at an average annual rate of 0.8 percent, from seven million in mid- 2009, to 8.89 million in mid-2039.
"The population is expected to remain on an aging trend. The proportion of the population aged 65 and over is projected to rise markedly, from 13 percent in 2009, to 28 percent in 2039," Fung said.
Unlike their fathers and grandfathers, Hong Kong people nowadays don't bury their heads and work 12 hours a day. They want much more in life, in particular to live where there's a lot of greenery and fresh air.
So besides infrastructure, we will need to improve the environment.
英文虎報
Central Station | By Mary Ma
Pride comes before the fall
A tale of two women - Ah Zhen and Octopus Prudence - dominated news headlines, both English and Chinese, yesterday.
Both have been in the spotlight for the past two weeks. The difference is that while Prudence Chan Pik-wah is no stranger to dealing with the media in her capacity as a big-shot chief executive, Li Hau-chun - better known as Ah Zhen, a tourist guide - had been hiding from the press out of fear.
Ah Zhen, however, won a lot of sympathy points when she surfaced and apologized for the episode in which she was filmed berating Anhui tourists for not spending enough in Hong Kong.
At least she was frank in admitting she had been provoked by a tourist who used rude words during a shopping stop.
"I was really furious and could not control my emotions," said the divorcee with a teenage daughter, who came to Hong Kong from Hubei a decade ago.
But it was a totally different story for Chan, who found herself mired in quicksand. Not only was she caught lying and cheating the public over the sale of Octopus cardholders' data, calls for her resignation are now growing louder.
As I stated in Tuesday's column, she was asking for it. Instead of coming clean, she continued trying to wriggle her way out with words.
The main difference between Chan and Ah Zhen can be summed up in one simple word - truth.
Unlike Ah Zhen, who was brave enough to admit her mistake and ask for another chance to continue working as a tourist guide, the truth had to be squeezed out of Chan - even though it may not be the whole truth.
In the eight-hour inquiry before the privacy commission on Monday, she stunned the city when she revealed for the first time her firm, Octopus Holdings, had been paid HK$44 million since January 2006, in exchange for disclosing the personal information of clients.
Chan also admitted that during the 41/2 years ended June 30, Octopus provided the personal particulars of 1.97 million customers to six companies, including an insurance firm, Cigna.
Yes, as the CEO, Chan was trying to protect the interests of her company. But she also bears the responsibility of protecting the interests of her 2.4 million cardholders - especially as Octopus is among the world's most used electronic money devices.
With her experience and standing, she should have known better. The public has reasons to doubt Chan and the firm she is leading. She has been accused of "lying without blinking," and her credibility teeters on bankruptcy.
The HK$44 million is already no small sum, and who knows how much more Octopus is getting from the lucrative business of selling or sharing customers' personal data?
It's no secret such dealings occur daily in Hong Kong and the rest of the world.
It's time for top officials at the MTR Corp - being the biggest Octopus shareholder - to come out of their ivory tower and play a more active role.
After all, millions of MTR passengers use Octopus cards daily.
The public is crying out for blood, and heads must roll.
Both have been in the spotlight for the past two weeks. The difference is that while Prudence Chan Pik-wah is no stranger to dealing with the media in her capacity as a big-shot chief executive, Li Hau-chun - better known as Ah Zhen, a tourist guide - had been hiding from the press out of fear.
Ah Zhen, however, won a lot of sympathy points when she surfaced and apologized for the episode in which she was filmed berating Anhui tourists for not spending enough in Hong Kong.
At least she was frank in admitting she had been provoked by a tourist who used rude words during a shopping stop.
"I was really furious and could not control my emotions," said the divorcee with a teenage daughter, who came to Hong Kong from Hubei a decade ago.
But it was a totally different story for Chan, who found herself mired in quicksand. Not only was she caught lying and cheating the public over the sale of Octopus cardholders' data, calls for her resignation are now growing louder.
As I stated in Tuesday's column, she was asking for it. Instead of coming clean, she continued trying to wriggle her way out with words.
The main difference between Chan and Ah Zhen can be summed up in one simple word - truth.
Unlike Ah Zhen, who was brave enough to admit her mistake and ask for another chance to continue working as a tourist guide, the truth had to be squeezed out of Chan - even though it may not be the whole truth.
In the eight-hour inquiry before the privacy commission on Monday, she stunned the city when she revealed for the first time her firm, Octopus Holdings, had been paid HK$44 million since January 2006, in exchange for disclosing the personal information of clients.
Chan also admitted that during the 41/2 years ended June 30, Octopus provided the personal particulars of 1.97 million customers to six companies, including an insurance firm, Cigna.
Yes, as the CEO, Chan was trying to protect the interests of her company. But she also bears the responsibility of protecting the interests of her 2.4 million cardholders - especially as Octopus is among the world's most used electronic money devices.
With her experience and standing, she should have known better. The public has reasons to doubt Chan and the firm she is leading. She has been accused of "lying without blinking," and her credibility teeters on bankruptcy.
The HK$44 million is already no small sum, and who knows how much more Octopus is getting from the lucrative business of selling or sharing customers' personal data?
It's no secret such dealings occur daily in Hong Kong and the rest of the world.
It's time for top officials at the MTR Corp - being the biggest Octopus shareholder - to come out of their ivory tower and play a more active role.
After all, millions of MTR passengers use Octopus cards daily.
The public is crying out for blood, and heads must roll.
We've been down this road before
All eyes are on a premium development site on The Peak that goes under the hammer today, with many wondering if it will reach the top end of estimates - a whopping HK$11.5 billion.
This Mount Nicholson Road site is viewed as a barometer for future luxury flats in the property market and, in particular, the two prime sites at Ho Man Tin and Kowloon Tong scheduled for auction on August 17.
Property giants like Cheung Kong Holdings and Sun Hung Kai Properties, have already expressed interest in the 251,000-square-foot Peak site.
All these positive signs, along with the rising share prices of local developers over the past two weeks, suggest today's bidding will be fast and furious.
No one will argue this will be an encouraging sign for Hong Kong as a global financial center. However, let's not forget the painful lessons we endured when the property market crashes.
It's true we now have a much healthier and stronger banking system in place to avoid a repeat of the crazy 1997 speculation that led to the property bubble bursting.
But what Hongkongers have to contend with now are rich mainlanders who can afford to pay in hard cash the 40 to 50 percent down payment - if not the entire sum - for real estate.
What's comforting is that over the past couple of months, the SAR government has introduced a series of measures to control property developers.
The Consumer Council should also be saluted for recommending the government set up a down payment database on property sales, after it found buyers are being given incorrect and inadequate information.
The council said the database should contain information - provided by government departments and developers - including detailed transaction records of new residential projects, such as the selling price, date and flat size.
One major recommendation the council made is to ban the release of non-official "intentional prices," or the potential prices of flats to be offered for sale before an official launch.
These "intentional prices" have made Hong Kong a laughing stock, especially when they make headlines in some Chinese-language newspapers whenever developers release them.
The council's proposed measures will certainly boost the transparency of apartment sales. Hopefully, they can avoid a repeat of the controversy at Henderson Land's 39 Conduit Road project, where many purported "record- breaking" deals fell through.
New rules and measures should certainly help home buyers. But the government needs to supply enough land for the mass market, as people are rightfully concerned about soaring property prices.
A recent international survey shows a typical 750-square-foot apartment in Hong Kong now costs US$608,000 (HK$4.74 million), while in Zurich, a similar unit would fetch only US$525,000. In Tokyo, such a flat would cost US$490,000, and in Singapore, US$448,000.
The survey pointed out it may take an ordinary worker in Hong Kong 20 years before he or she can afford to buy a home.
So home buyers should first consider affordability when thinking about buying a flat. They should also stop thinking that property prices will always go up as the recent boom is only because of the low interest rate and the influx of mainland capital.
英文虎報
Central Station | By Mary Ma
This Mount Nicholson Road site is viewed as a barometer for future luxury flats in the property market and, in particular, the two prime sites at Ho Man Tin and Kowloon Tong scheduled for auction on August 17.
Property giants like Cheung Kong Holdings and Sun Hung Kai Properties, have already expressed interest in the 251,000-square-foot Peak site.
All these positive signs, along with the rising share prices of local developers over the past two weeks, suggest today's bidding will be fast and furious.
No one will argue this will be an encouraging sign for Hong Kong as a global financial center. However, let's not forget the painful lessons we endured when the property market crashes.
It's true we now have a much healthier and stronger banking system in place to avoid a repeat of the crazy 1997 speculation that led to the property bubble bursting.
But what Hongkongers have to contend with now are rich mainlanders who can afford to pay in hard cash the 40 to 50 percent down payment - if not the entire sum - for real estate.
What's comforting is that over the past couple of months, the SAR government has introduced a series of measures to control property developers.
The Consumer Council should also be saluted for recommending the government set up a down payment database on property sales, after it found buyers are being given incorrect and inadequate information.
The council said the database should contain information - provided by government departments and developers - including detailed transaction records of new residential projects, such as the selling price, date and flat size.
One major recommendation the council made is to ban the release of non-official "intentional prices," or the potential prices of flats to be offered for sale before an official launch.
These "intentional prices" have made Hong Kong a laughing stock, especially when they make headlines in some Chinese-language newspapers whenever developers release them.
The council's proposed measures will certainly boost the transparency of apartment sales. Hopefully, they can avoid a repeat of the controversy at Henderson Land's 39 Conduit Road project, where many purported "record- breaking" deals fell through.
New rules and measures should certainly help home buyers. But the government needs to supply enough land for the mass market, as people are rightfully concerned about soaring property prices.
A recent international survey shows a typical 750-square-foot apartment in Hong Kong now costs US$608,000 (HK$4.74 million), while in Zurich, a similar unit would fetch only US$525,000. In Tokyo, such a flat would cost US$490,000, and in Singapore, US$448,000.
The survey pointed out it may take an ordinary worker in Hong Kong 20 years before he or she can afford to buy a home.
So home buyers should first consider affordability when thinking about buying a flat. They should also stop thinking that property prices will always go up as the recent boom is only because of the low interest rate and the influx of mainland capital.
英文虎報
Central Station | By Mary Ma
The inconvenient truth
The Octopus saga over the selling of cardholders' personal data can well be summed up as "asking for it."
I'm not trying to be rude or crude, but from the very start, it was a total public relations disaster.
Instead of coming clean, Octopus Group chief executive Prudence Chan Pik-wah tried to wriggle her way out with words - a big no-no.
She was accused of lying soon after her first public statement on July 20. As if not enough damage had been done, Octopus issued a statement on the eve of a privacy commission inquiry that the company was discussing ways to terminate contracts signed with the two merchants that had been sharing its customers' data.
After a week of squirming, Chan shocked and angered her 2.4 million cardholders when she admitted at the hearing her company, Octopus Holdings, provider of electronic- payment services, had been paid HK$44 million since January 2006 for disclosing personal information on clients.
She also revealed that during the 4-1/2 years ended June 30, Octopus provided the personal particulars of 1.97 million customers to six companies, including an insurance firm, Cigna.
Chan also admitted Octopus is contracted to provide a certain amount of customer data to Cigna, and when customers buy products from the insurer, Octopus reaps a commission.
So, finally the truth - or at least part of it - was flushed out at yesterday's hearing. Why did it take so long?
Chan can't be that naive to think she can fool her millions of customers by trying to sweep the truth under the carpet. Octopus Cards started off as a convenient method to buy MTR tickets, pay for bus and tram rides, fast-food meals and convenience-store products.
With high-technology, Octopus has became an access card for schools and buildings, as well as credit cards. It has a huge market, and many establishments, be it telecoms or insurer, covet clients' personal data in order to market and boost their businesses.
Certainly, the incident has sparked considerable concern. Cardholders and the general public are worried that they have no way of knowing whether their personal data has been sold.
Besides the privacy commission, the Hong Kong Monetary Authority has also ordered Octopus Cards to submit a report on the issue.
The report should be prepared by external auditors, to be appointed by the company, and approved by the authority. The Monetary Authority action couldn't have come at a better time. But the government still ought to step in to try to plug any gray areas to ensure the public that their personal data is safe.
And MTR Corp - the biggest Octopus shareholder - has to do a lot more to reassure the public than just asking the card company to take the issue seriously.
Action is needed before the evil dollar starts to rear its ugly head.
英文虎報
Central Station | By Mary Ma
I'm not trying to be rude or crude, but from the very start, it was a total public relations disaster.
Instead of coming clean, Octopus Group chief executive Prudence Chan Pik-wah tried to wriggle her way out with words - a big no-no.
She was accused of lying soon after her first public statement on July 20. As if not enough damage had been done, Octopus issued a statement on the eve of a privacy commission inquiry that the company was discussing ways to terminate contracts signed with the two merchants that had been sharing its customers' data.
After a week of squirming, Chan shocked and angered her 2.4 million cardholders when she admitted at the hearing her company, Octopus Holdings, provider of electronic- payment services, had been paid HK$44 million since January 2006 for disclosing personal information on clients.
She also revealed that during the 4-1/2 years ended June 30, Octopus provided the personal particulars of 1.97 million customers to six companies, including an insurance firm, Cigna.
Chan also admitted Octopus is contracted to provide a certain amount of customer data to Cigna, and when customers buy products from the insurer, Octopus reaps a commission.
So, finally the truth - or at least part of it - was flushed out at yesterday's hearing. Why did it take so long?
Chan can't be that naive to think she can fool her millions of customers by trying to sweep the truth under the carpet. Octopus Cards started off as a convenient method to buy MTR tickets, pay for bus and tram rides, fast-food meals and convenience-store products.
With high-technology, Octopus has became an access card for schools and buildings, as well as credit cards. It has a huge market, and many establishments, be it telecoms or insurer, covet clients' personal data in order to market and boost their businesses.
Certainly, the incident has sparked considerable concern. Cardholders and the general public are worried that they have no way of knowing whether their personal data has been sold.
Besides the privacy commission, the Hong Kong Monetary Authority has also ordered Octopus Cards to submit a report on the issue.
The report should be prepared by external auditors, to be appointed by the company, and approved by the authority. The Monetary Authority action couldn't have come at a better time. But the government still ought to step in to try to plug any gray areas to ensure the public that their personal data is safe.
And MTR Corp - the biggest Octopus shareholder - has to do a lot more to reassure the public than just asking the card company to take the issue seriously.
Action is needed before the evil dollar starts to rear its ugly head.
英文虎報
Central Station | By Mary Ma
Property bubble
THIS issue of MMiinngg PPaaoo carries three storiesabout the real estate sector. They are aboutthe auction of the Mount Nicholson Road sitefor luxury development, the ballot drawing for the saleof surplus HOS (Home Ownership Scheme) flats, andthe Commission on Strategic Development'sdiscussion of subsidised home ownership. On the faceof it, they have nothing directly to do with one another.However, they point to certain phenomena andproblems of the real estate sector. They show luxuryunits will account for a higher and higher percentage ofnew flats. If this remains the case, homes will becomeeven more unaffordable for sandwich sandwich--class citizens.Chief Executive (CE) Donald Tsang and his officialsought to think about this situation and try to address it.The Mount Nicholson Road site fetched a highprice. The other day a developer triggered the sale of asite for luxury development (at 1 Ede Road, KowloonTong). The message developers have given out isquite clear. They will concentrate on producing luxuryflats. It is a task the government is faced with to findways to ensure adequate supply of medium medium-- andsmall small--sized flats.
Per Per--square square--foot prices of medium medium-- or small small--sizedflats in some districts now approach or exceed whatthey were in 1997. Judging from the laws of theproperty market, the bubble has just taken shape shape..Hong Kong Monetary Authority Chief ExecutiveNorman Chan once said, "I am certain that, once abubble is created, it will grow with immense power andsuppressing it will be difficult." The curtain has risen ona new round of property craze. The government's landpolicy, which does not help meet Hong Kong's needs,has helped boost the property bubble. It is now hardfor the government to prevent it from inflating whateverit may do. In fact, the Tsang administration, whichalways holds that any measure would topple theproperty market, is unlikely to do anything.
Early this month, the Commission on StrategicDevelopment discussed the possibility of reviving theHOS. We gather that 39 of its members were present.Donald Tsang, its chairman, was also there. More thantwenty of them spoke at the meeting, and more than ahalf of them were in favour of reviving the HOS. Evenlegislator Abraham Shek, who represents the realestate and construction sector and is invariablyconsidered keen on protecting developers' interests,said he believed it would have little impact on theprivate property market to revive the HOS in a limitedway, and that would allow sandwich class citizens tobuy their own homes and thus increase their sense ofbelonging to Hong Kong and conduce to socialharmony.
However, when they talked about the meeting,officials emphasised that opinions were divergent butrefrained from revealing most of the members whospoke at the meeting were in favour of reviving theHOS. Furthermore, some have said Donald Tsangrepeatedly emphasised at the meeting land was inshort supply. In fact, if the government does long long--termplanning, there will be no problem about providing landfor HOS and private development. This is evidencedby what has happened over the past three decades.
It is an open secret in officialdom that DonaldTsang is against reviving the HOS. It is Donald Tsangthat has appointed the members of the Commission onStrategic Development. The government controls theadvisory body, most of whose members are its friends.However, even some of its members said to DonaldTsang's face the government should revive the HOS.He would do well to ponder those words unpleasant tohis ears.
We believe we will know what option he will takewhen he delivers his next policy address next October.We want to point out it is clear from what hashappened over the past three decades that the HOShas done Hong Kong much good and no harm. IfDonald Tsang decides against reviving it, he ought toproduce evidence that it has badly harmed Hong Kong.It is not open to him to decide on a policy that wouldaffect thousands upon thousands of householdsaccording to his likes and dislikes.
明報社評
2010.07.29
發展商豪宅瞄準內地客 樓市泡沫中產更難置業
本報今日有三則與房地產有關的新聞報道，一是聶歌信山豪宅用地拍賣售出，二是居屋貨尾攪珠，三是本月初策略發展委員會討論資助市民自置居所的情况。這三件事，表面上無直接關係，箇中情况其實反映了環繞房地產的一些現象和問題，說明新樓趨向豪宅化；若持續下去，夾心階層置業難將更加突顯。有關情况，值得行政長官曾蔭權和官員思考和設法對應。
聶歌信山土地以高價成交，日前有發展商勾出九龍塘義德道的豪宅用地拍賣，發展商的信息很清楚了，他們埋首發展豪宅；如何使中小型樓宇供應不致斷層，是政府要面對的議題。
今時今日，一些地區的中小型樓宇，呎價逼近或已超過1997 年，以樓市規律，目前僅是泡沫形成之始，按金管局總裁陳德霖所說「資產泡沫一旦形成，它自身會產生極大動力，要抑制將會很難」，樓市新一波狂潮，揭開帷幕。過去一段日子，政府的土地政策未能切合需要，助長了樓市泡沫，現在就算政府採取什麼措施，也難以抑制泡沫脹大下去，事實上，以曾蔭權政府一貫認為採取措施就會「推冧」樓市的思維，相信也不會有什麼動作。
本月初，策發會曾經討論復建居屋政策，據知當日39名委員與會，身兼策發會主席的曾蔭權也有出席，超過20 名委員發言，其中逾半贊成復建居屋。一貫被認為維護發展商利益的立法會功能組別地產及建造界代表石禮謙，也表示他個人認為有限度復建居屋與私人市場並無衝突，可為夾心階層提供置業機會，使他們對社會有歸屬感，促進社會和諧。
不過，官員在交代會內討論情况時，只着重「意見分歧」，卻未透露發言委員多贊成復建居屋。另外，曾蔭權被引述在會上多次強調土地供應短缺。其實，只要政府有長遠規劃，居屋和私樓的土地根本就不是問題，這在過去30 多年已經證明了。
曾蔭權反對復建居屋，在官場已屬公開秘密，不過，策發會委員由曾蔭權委任，這個以政府「自己友」為主、由政府控制的諮詢組織，發言委員當着曾蔭權面前，都表達應該復建居屋的意見，逆耳之言，值得曾蔭權反思。
曾蔭權最終如何抉擇，相信他在10 月發表的施政報告會有所交代。我們要指出的是： 30 多年來歷經驗證，居屋政策給香港帶來好處，未見壞處，若曾蔭權最終否決復建居屋，他需要提出居屋政策害慘香港的真實理據，而非單憑個人好惡來決定涉及千家萬戶的政策。
Glossary
take shape
If something takes shape, it starts to appear insuch a way that it is fairly clear what its finalfo form will be.
in favour ofIf you are in favour of something, you support it.
face
If you say something to a person's face, yousay it to him directly rather than to others.
Per Per--square square--foot prices of medium medium-- or small small--sizedflats in some districts now approach or exceed whatthey were in 1997. Judging from the laws of theproperty market, the bubble has just taken shape shape..Hong Kong Monetary Authority Chief ExecutiveNorman Chan once said, "I am certain that, once abubble is created, it will grow with immense power andsuppressing it will be difficult." The curtain has risen ona new round of property craze. The government's landpolicy, which does not help meet Hong Kong's needs,has helped boost the property bubble. It is now hardfor the government to prevent it from inflating whateverit may do. In fact, the Tsang administration, whichalways holds that any measure would topple theproperty market, is unlikely to do anything.
Early this month, the Commission on StrategicDevelopment discussed the possibility of reviving theHOS. We gather that 39 of its members were present.Donald Tsang, its chairman, was also there. More thantwenty of them spoke at the meeting, and more than ahalf of them were in favour of reviving the HOS. Evenlegislator Abraham Shek, who represents the realestate and construction sector and is invariablyconsidered keen on protecting developers' interests,said he believed it would have little impact on theprivate property market to revive the HOS in a limitedway, and that would allow sandwich class citizens tobuy their own homes and thus increase their sense ofbelonging to Hong Kong and conduce to socialharmony.
However, when they talked about the meeting,officials emphasised that opinions were divergent butrefrained from revealing most of the members whospoke at the meeting were in favour of reviving theHOS. Furthermore, some have said Donald Tsangrepeatedly emphasised at the meeting land was inshort supply. In fact, if the government does long long--termplanning, there will be no problem about providing landfor HOS and private development. This is evidencedby what has happened over the past three decades.
It is an open secret in officialdom that DonaldTsang is against reviving the HOS. It is Donald Tsangthat has appointed the members of the Commission onStrategic Development. The government controls theadvisory body, most of whose members are its friends.However, even some of its members said to DonaldTsang's face the government should revive the HOS.He would do well to ponder those words unpleasant tohis ears.
We believe we will know what option he will takewhen he delivers his next policy address next October.We want to point out it is clear from what hashappened over the past three decades that the HOShas done Hong Kong much good and no harm. IfDonald Tsang decides against reviving it, he ought toproduce evidence that it has badly harmed Hong Kong.It is not open to him to decide on a policy that wouldaffect thousands upon thousands of householdsaccording to his likes and dislikes.
明報社評
2010.07.29
發展商豪宅瞄準內地客 樓市泡沫中產更難置業
本報今日有三則與房地產有關的新聞報道，一是聶歌信山豪宅用地拍賣售出，二是居屋貨尾攪珠，三是本月初策略發展委員會討論資助市民自置居所的情况。這三件事，表面上無直接關係，箇中情况其實反映了環繞房地產的一些現象和問題，說明新樓趨向豪宅化；若持續下去，夾心階層置業難將更加突顯。有關情况，值得行政長官曾蔭權和官員思考和設法對應。
聶歌信山土地以高價成交，日前有發展商勾出九龍塘義德道的豪宅用地拍賣，發展商的信息很清楚了，他們埋首發展豪宅；如何使中小型樓宇供應不致斷層，是政府要面對的議題。
今時今日，一些地區的中小型樓宇，呎價逼近或已超過1997 年，以樓市規律，目前僅是泡沫形成之始，按金管局總裁陳德霖所說「資產泡沫一旦形成，它自身會產生極大動力，要抑制將會很難」，樓市新一波狂潮，揭開帷幕。過去一段日子，政府的土地政策未能切合需要，助長了樓市泡沫，現在就算政府採取什麼措施，也難以抑制泡沫脹大下去，事實上，以曾蔭權政府一貫認為採取措施就會「推冧」樓市的思維，相信也不會有什麼動作。
本月初，策發會曾經討論復建居屋政策，據知當日39名委員與會，身兼策發會主席的曾蔭權也有出席，超過20 名委員發言，其中逾半贊成復建居屋。一貫被認為維護發展商利益的立法會功能組別地產及建造界代表石禮謙，也表示他個人認為有限度復建居屋與私人市場並無衝突，可為夾心階層提供置業機會，使他們對社會有歸屬感，促進社會和諧。
不過，官員在交代會內討論情况時，只着重「意見分歧」，卻未透露發言委員多贊成復建居屋。另外，曾蔭權被引述在會上多次強調土地供應短缺。其實，只要政府有長遠規劃，居屋和私樓的土地根本就不是問題，這在過去30 多年已經證明了。
曾蔭權反對復建居屋，在官場已屬公開秘密，不過，策發會委員由曾蔭權委任，這個以政府「自己友」為主、由政府控制的諮詢組織，發言委員當着曾蔭權面前，都表達應該復建居屋的意見，逆耳之言，值得曾蔭權反思。
曾蔭權最終如何抉擇，相信他在10 月發表的施政報告會有所交代。我們要指出的是： 30 多年來歷經驗證，居屋政策給香港帶來好處，未見壞處，若曾蔭權最終否決復建居屋，他需要提出居屋政策害慘香港的真實理據，而非單憑個人好惡來決定涉及千家萬戶的政策。
Glossary
take shape
If something takes shape, it starts to appear insuch a way that it is fairly clear what its finalfo form will be.
in favour ofIf you are in favour of something, you support it.
face
If you say something to a person's face, yousay it to him directly rather than to others.
Government must stop loopholes
OCTOPUS has made money by selling itscustomers' personal data. The affair hassnowballed. Because of what has beenrevealed, some citizens are apprehensive that thepersonal data of about four million citizens in Octopus'spossession may be improperly used. There areloopholes in the Personal Data (Privacy) Ordinance.Citizens have reason to wonder if any other businesshas made money by selling personal data.
Octopus has announced it will appoint acommittee to look into the affair. Not independent ofOctopus, the committee cannot possibly seemcredible. The Hong Kong Monetary Authority, whichsupervises Octopus, has said it has asked thecompany to have an independent auditor look into theaffair and required that it publish the auditor's findings.One may say the move is aimed at rectifying Octopus'smistakes.
Apart from seeing that the truth of the Octopusaffair will come out as soon as possible, thegovernment should seize the opportunity to reviewpersonal data collection with a view to stoppingloopholes. From what has become clear in theOctopus affair, the government should at least do thefollowing three things.
(1) Our investigative reporters have discoveredfour major store chains' points cards pose the dangerof personal data being leaked. It is stated in their termsand conditions that personal data may be transferredto any other person under a duty of confidentiality tothe card issuer. Privacy clauses do not appear in alltheir handouts or forms. To peruse them, applicantsmust visit their websites. There is a clause saying aperson's data may be used for marketing even if hiscard has been cancelled. There is no clause that saysdata will not be transferred to third parties.
The government should look at those terms andconditions and list clear restrictions on businesses'collection of their customers' personal data.Furthermore, it should be laid down that no citizen'spersonal data should be used for marketing purposesunless he has indicated his consent in his applicationform.
(2) During a hearing, Privacy CommissionerRoderick Woo, narrowing his eyes, perused a copy ofthe Octopus Rewards registration form through amagnifying glass. He did so jokingly to show the manyclauses were in such small print that few people wouldperuse them, still less senior citizens. It was notyesterday that businesses began to have contractualdocuments to be filled in and signed by their customersprinted in extremely small print. That is long-standingpractice. The government should lay down rules tomake sure that such documents are easy to read.
(3) The Privacy Commissioner has
unprecedentedly exercised his statutory power to call apublic hearing on the Octopus affair. Though he seemsto have thrown his weight about, he is actually atoothless tiger. At the hearing, Privacy CommissionerRoderick Woo asked Octopus Chief ExecutivePrudence Chan to explain things but to no avail, andshe refused to surrender documents. In investigating acompany's possible breach of the personal Data(Privacy) Ordinance, the Commissioner may not evenmanage to obtain documents unless the companycooperates. It can thus be imagined how effectivelycitizens' privacy is protected. It is the government'stask to decide how to turn the Privacy Commissionerinto a tiger that has teeth.
Yesterday Roderick Woo revealed a bank hadsold the data of 200,000 of its customers to directmarketers. He has made a ruling on the case, and thebank has appealed. Clearly, it is quite common forcompanies in possession of large quantities ofpersonal data to sell them for profit. The governmenthas a duty to end the privacy crisis triggered by theOctopus affair so that citizens need not fear theirprivacy is not protected.
明報社評2010.07.28
八達通暴露私隱漏洞政府須堵塞保障市民
八達通出賣客戶資料賺錢事件，事態如滾雪球般愈滾愈大，從目前已經顯露的情况，單是八達通坐擁約400萬客戶資料，是否使用恰當，市民忐忑不安；而基於私隱法例漏洞，還有沒有其他機構出賣客戶資料以牟財？市民有合理疑問。
八達通宣布自行組織了一個委員會，調查事件，自己人查自己人，根本無公信力；職司監管八達通的金管局，表示已要求八達通公司外聘審計師進行調查，結果要向公衆公布，此舉可視為金管局糾正八達通偏頗的做法。
除了盡快釐清八達通事態真相，政府應趁機會全面檢視這類收集市民資料的做法，堵塞漏洞。從八達通事件所披露情况，起碼有3 方面值得檢討改善。
（1）本報記者追訪發現，除了八達通，目前四大連鎖店的積分卡也隱藏泄私隱陷阱，這四張卡的條款都列明可把個人資料轉移給「商戶或有保密責任人士」，有申請者所填寫表格及單張，並無私隱條款，要申請者自行上網查看，有條款更言明取消卡後，有關資料仍然可以繼續作促銷之用，亦沒提及資料不會轉移給第三者。
所以，經此一事，有關這些公司與客戶簽訂的合約條文，政府應該研究予以明確規定，商號收集客戶資料要有一定限制；另外，要讓市民在填寫表格時，除非主動選擇接受，否則個人私隱資料不得作促銷活動之用。
（2）吳斌在聆訊時，當場拿出放大鏡，瞇着眼細看八達通日日賞登記表格，藉此諷刺條款的字又小又多，認為市民、特別是長者不可能仔細閱讀。關於一些公司要客戶填寫、簽署的一些合約文件，刻意把條款印得密麻麻的情况，由來已久，並非始於今日。政府就此亦應作相關規定，以方便市民閱讀為大前提。
（3）今次個人私隱專員根據法例所賦予權力，公開聆訊八達通事件，其實是破天荒做法，雖然私隱專員「大發神威」，實質上仍然只是「無牙老虎」。例如在聆訊中，吳斌要求八達通行政總裁陳碧鏵解釋的事項，往往不得要領，她也不肯交出資料。由此可見，關於追查是否違反私隱條例，若有關公司不合作，主管其事的私隱專員，連文件也拿不到，保障市民私隱的成效就可想而知了。如何使私隱專員成為「有牙老虎」，是政府強化其職能的課題。
昨日，吳斌透露有銀行把20 萬客戶資料傳送出去，進行直銷活動，他已就此裁決，銀行亦進行上訴。由此看來，擁有大批市民私隱資料的公司、商號，出售客戶資料賺錢的做法，相當普遍。政府有責任弭平這次由八達通引發的「私隱危機」，使市民免卻私隱不保之憂。
Glossary
apprehensive /?aprI'hensIv/uneasily fearful.credible /'kredIb(?)l/worthy of belief.throw one's weight aboutIf you throw your weight about, you use yourposition of authority or power in an aggressiveway.
Octopus has announced it will appoint acommittee to look into the affair. Not independent ofOctopus, the committee cannot possibly seemcredible. The Hong Kong Monetary Authority, whichsupervises Octopus, has said it has asked thecompany to have an independent auditor look into theaffair and required that it publish the auditor's findings.One may say the move is aimed at rectifying Octopus'smistakes.
Apart from seeing that the truth of the Octopusaffair will come out as soon as possible, thegovernment should seize the opportunity to reviewpersonal data collection with a view to stoppingloopholes. From what has become clear in theOctopus affair, the government should at least do thefollowing three things.
(1) Our investigative reporters have discoveredfour major store chains' points cards pose the dangerof personal data being leaked. It is stated in their termsand conditions that personal data may be transferredto any other person under a duty of confidentiality tothe card issuer. Privacy clauses do not appear in alltheir handouts or forms. To peruse them, applicantsmust visit their websites. There is a clause saying aperson's data may be used for marketing even if hiscard has been cancelled. There is no clause that saysdata will not be transferred to third parties.
The government should look at those terms andconditions and list clear restrictions on businesses'collection of their customers' personal data.Furthermore, it should be laid down that no citizen'spersonal data should be used for marketing purposesunless he has indicated his consent in his applicationform.
(2) During a hearing, Privacy CommissionerRoderick Woo, narrowing his eyes, perused a copy ofthe Octopus Rewards registration form through amagnifying glass. He did so jokingly to show the manyclauses were in such small print that few people wouldperuse them, still less senior citizens. It was notyesterday that businesses began to have contractualdocuments to be filled in and signed by their customersprinted in extremely small print. That is long-standingpractice. The government should lay down rules tomake sure that such documents are easy to read.
(3) The Privacy Commissioner has
unprecedentedly exercised his statutory power to call apublic hearing on the Octopus affair. Though he seemsto have thrown his weight about, he is actually atoothless tiger. At the hearing, Privacy CommissionerRoderick Woo asked Octopus Chief ExecutivePrudence Chan to explain things but to no avail, andshe refused to surrender documents. In investigating acompany's possible breach of the personal Data(Privacy) Ordinance, the Commissioner may not evenmanage to obtain documents unless the companycooperates. It can thus be imagined how effectivelycitizens' privacy is protected. It is the government'stask to decide how to turn the Privacy Commissionerinto a tiger that has teeth.
Yesterday Roderick Woo revealed a bank hadsold the data of 200,000 of its customers to directmarketers. He has made a ruling on the case, and thebank has appealed. Clearly, it is quite common forcompanies in possession of large quantities ofpersonal data to sell them for profit. The governmenthas a duty to end the privacy crisis triggered by theOctopus affair so that citizens need not fear theirprivacy is not protected.
明報社評2010.07.28
八達通暴露私隱漏洞政府須堵塞保障市民
八達通出賣客戶資料賺錢事件，事態如滾雪球般愈滾愈大，從目前已經顯露的情况，單是八達通坐擁約400萬客戶資料，是否使用恰當，市民忐忑不安；而基於私隱法例漏洞，還有沒有其他機構出賣客戶資料以牟財？市民有合理疑問。
八達通宣布自行組織了一個委員會，調查事件，自己人查自己人，根本無公信力；職司監管八達通的金管局，表示已要求八達通公司外聘審計師進行調查，結果要向公衆公布，此舉可視為金管局糾正八達通偏頗的做法。
除了盡快釐清八達通事態真相，政府應趁機會全面檢視這類收集市民資料的做法，堵塞漏洞。從八達通事件所披露情况，起碼有3 方面值得檢討改善。
（1）本報記者追訪發現，除了八達通，目前四大連鎖店的積分卡也隱藏泄私隱陷阱，這四張卡的條款都列明可把個人資料轉移給「商戶或有保密責任人士」，有申請者所填寫表格及單張，並無私隱條款，要申請者自行上網查看，有條款更言明取消卡後，有關資料仍然可以繼續作促銷之用，亦沒提及資料不會轉移給第三者。
所以，經此一事，有關這些公司與客戶簽訂的合約條文，政府應該研究予以明確規定，商號收集客戶資料要有一定限制；另外，要讓市民在填寫表格時，除非主動選擇接受，否則個人私隱資料不得作促銷活動之用。
（2）吳斌在聆訊時，當場拿出放大鏡，瞇着眼細看八達通日日賞登記表格，藉此諷刺條款的字又小又多，認為市民、特別是長者不可能仔細閱讀。關於一些公司要客戶填寫、簽署的一些合約文件，刻意把條款印得密麻麻的情况，由來已久，並非始於今日。政府就此亦應作相關規定，以方便市民閱讀為大前提。
（3）今次個人私隱專員根據法例所賦予權力，公開聆訊八達通事件，其實是破天荒做法，雖然私隱專員「大發神威」，實質上仍然只是「無牙老虎」。例如在聆訊中，吳斌要求八達通行政總裁陳碧鏵解釋的事項，往往不得要領，她也不肯交出資料。由此可見，關於追查是否違反私隱條例，若有關公司不合作，主管其事的私隱專員，連文件也拿不到，保障市民私隱的成效就可想而知了。如何使私隱專員成為「有牙老虎」，是政府強化其職能的課題。
昨日，吳斌透露有銀行把20 萬客戶資料傳送出去，進行直銷活動，他已就此裁決，銀行亦進行上訴。由此看來，擁有大批市民私隱資料的公司、商號，出售客戶資料賺錢的做法，相當普遍。政府有責任弭平這次由八達通引發的「私隱危機」，使市民免卻私隱不保之憂。
Glossary
apprehensive /?aprI'hensIv/uneasily fearful.credible /'kredIb(?)l/worthy of belief.throw one's weight aboutIf you throw your weight about, you use yourposition of authority or power in an aggressiveway.
Property market information platform
CONSUMER COUNCIL staff have visitednineteen residential developments to see hownew flats are sold. They have discovered it ishard for prospective purchasers instantly to obtainreliable, full and timely property information andimpossible for them to ascertain if the informationdevelopers or real estate agents give them is accurate.Not having full information, they are at a disadvantageand are liable to be misled. The Consumer Council hastherefore made nine suggestions of which one is that a"property market information platform (PMIP)" becreated.
Developers now see that prospective purchasersundergo "one-way" information dissemination. Havingseen one room, a prospective purchaser goes intoanother, and others are at his heels. He hardly has thetime to know more about the overall situation of thedevelopment. Because of this and the fact that thedeveloper and real estate agents unilaterally give himinformation, he is disadvantaged by an asymmetry ofinformation.
Furthermore, when a real estate agent persuadesa prospective purchaser to make up his mind, he maytell him how many new flats are available in the districtin question and by how many percents flats in thedevelopment in question sold previously haveincreased in value. Many first-hand flat purchasershave had similar experience. Is such informationaccurate? As a prospective purchaser has difficultyobtaining up-to-the-minute market information, it isquite doubtful that he has such information that he cancome to a sensible, correct decision in carrying out thebiggest transaction in his life if the real estate agentintentionally misleads him and the atmosphere at thesales office makes him anxious.
This being the case, the Consumer Councilsuggests that a PMIP be created. By means of it anauthoritative and independent body could disseminateproperty information. This would allow a prospectivepurchaser to obtain the information he needs to takeinto consideration - how many flats are available in thedistrict in question, how much they cost on average persquare foot, how many flats have been sold in thedevelopment in question and how many remainavailable. We believe the government should look atand implement this suggestion. We do so for tworeasons.
First, it has more property data than any otherbody. If a government department centralises suchdata and augment them with the latest information onvarious developments (flat availability, flat prices andother transaction data), there will be a complete,authoritative database.
Second, only if the government requires orcompels developers to cooperate by means ofadministrative measures or even legislation will theypromptly provide transaction data and will there besuch installations at sales offices that prospectivepurchasers can instantly obtain reliable, full and timelyproperty information. It would make it easier for themto come to sensible decisions to allow them to be onan equal footing with developers and real estateagents in access to information.
In our view, the government would do well toconsider and adopt all of the Consumer Council's ninesuggestions. Enforced in combination with the "ninerules and twelve regulations", they would help ensure"transparency of information and fairness intransactions".
As for the sale of first-hand residential properties,the government still relies on developers to policethemselves. It would be rash to say its "nine rules andtwelve regulations" are useless as they have just comeinto force. In our view, the government should keep aclose eye on the situation. If they prove ineffective, itshould regulate property sales by registration as soonas possible. Furthermore, it will not ensure the propertymarket's steady, healthy development to regulate howflats are sold. In the final analysis, the governmentought to boost supply to end the supply-demandimbalance in the property market. Unless it does so, allits other measures will be palliative.
明報英語網「雙語社評」english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
設立樓市資訊平台有助新樓公平交易
明報社評2010.07.27
消委會實地走訪了19 個樓盤的銷售情况，發現準買家難以獲得即時、可靠、全面、適時的物業資訊，對發展商和地產代理所提供資訊，無法印證是否真確，準買家所掌握資訊處於劣勢情况下，被誤導的可能就較大。消委會就此提出9 項建議，包括設立物業市場資訊平台。目前，發展商安排新樓盤銷售的流程，是一種單向宣傳，準買家去完一間房到第二間房，後面的人接踵而來，準買家難有充裕時間了解樓盤的總體情况。這種單向流程，加上發展商和地產代理向準買家單方面發放資料，使準買家處於資訊不對稱的不利位置。
另外，近年，許多人買新樓單位都有類似經驗，就是地產代理在游說時，提供包括區內新樓供應、樓盤上一批單位售出後已升值多少等的意見和說法，情况是否真確，由於準買家難以取得緊貼市况的物業資訊，若地產代理蓄意誤導，而售樓處整個銷售氣氛又使準買家陷於焦慮情况，這樣的話，準買家進行畢生最大筆交易時，能否掌握全盤正確資料後作理性正確抉擇，是一大疑問。
針對這種情况，消委會建議設立物業市場資訊平台，由一個中央、具權威的機構，發放有關物業資訊，例如同區有多少單位，平均呎價多少，該樓盤已賣了多少，還有多少未賣等，讓準買家參考。這個建議，我們認為政府應該研議，而且負責推行，理由有二：
首先，目前關於物業數據，政府擁有最多。若這些數據資料由政府部門集中處理，加上個別樓盤單位價格、供應情况和及時的成交資料等，就可以組成一個齊全而權威物業資訊數據庫。
其次，只有政府透過行政措施甚至立法，要求和強制發展商配合，才可以確保發展商盡快提供所銷售新樓的最新資料，並確保售樓處有適當設施，讓準買家可以瀏覽有關資訊平台，取得即時、可靠、全面、適時的物業資訊，使他們在資訊取得方面，與發展商和地產代理處於對等位置，有助於他們作明智抉擇。
我們認為，消委會的9 點建議，都值得政府研議接受，若與「9 招12 式」一齊執行，更有可能達至「資訊透明，公平交易」之目的。
關於新樓住宅買賣規管，政府仍然依賴發展商自律，「9 招12 式」執行未幾，不宜武斷地說無效，我們認為，政府必須密切留意事態發展，若不收效，應該盡快推行立法規管。另外，規管銷售手法，並不能使樓市健康平穩發展，歸根究柢還是要增加供應，理順樓市供需失衡情况，否則無論再推出多少招式，都只是頭痛醫頭，腳痛醫腳，不可能徹底解決問題。
Glossary
asymmetry /eI'sImItrI/lack of symmetry.
do well
If you do well to do something, it is sensiblefor you to do it.in the final analysisafter all due consideration.
Developers now see that prospective purchasersundergo "one-way" information dissemination. Havingseen one room, a prospective purchaser goes intoanother, and others are at his heels. He hardly has thetime to know more about the overall situation of thedevelopment. Because of this and the fact that thedeveloper and real estate agents unilaterally give himinformation, he is disadvantaged by an asymmetry ofinformation.
Furthermore, when a real estate agent persuadesa prospective purchaser to make up his mind, he maytell him how many new flats are available in the districtin question and by how many percents flats in thedevelopment in question sold previously haveincreased in value. Many first-hand flat purchasershave had similar experience. Is such informationaccurate? As a prospective purchaser has difficultyobtaining up-to-the-minute market information, it isquite doubtful that he has such information that he cancome to a sensible, correct decision in carrying out thebiggest transaction in his life if the real estate agentintentionally misleads him and the atmosphere at thesales office makes him anxious.
This being the case, the Consumer Councilsuggests that a PMIP be created. By means of it anauthoritative and independent body could disseminateproperty information. This would allow a prospectivepurchaser to obtain the information he needs to takeinto consideration - how many flats are available in thedistrict in question, how much they cost on average persquare foot, how many flats have been sold in thedevelopment in question and how many remainavailable. We believe the government should look atand implement this suggestion. We do so for tworeasons.
First, it has more property data than any otherbody. If a government department centralises suchdata and augment them with the latest information onvarious developments (flat availability, flat prices andother transaction data), there will be a complete,authoritative database.
Second, only if the government requires orcompels developers to cooperate by means ofadministrative measures or even legislation will theypromptly provide transaction data and will there besuch installations at sales offices that prospectivepurchasers can instantly obtain reliable, full and timelyproperty information. It would make it easier for themto come to sensible decisions to allow them to be onan equal footing with developers and real estateagents in access to information.
In our view, the government would do well toconsider and adopt all of the Consumer Council's ninesuggestions. Enforced in combination with the "ninerules and twelve regulations", they would help ensure"transparency of information and fairness intransactions".
As for the sale of first-hand residential properties,the government still relies on developers to policethemselves. It would be rash to say its "nine rules andtwelve regulations" are useless as they have just comeinto force. In our view, the government should keep aclose eye on the situation. If they prove ineffective, itshould regulate property sales by registration as soonas possible. Furthermore, it will not ensure the propertymarket's steady, healthy development to regulate howflats are sold. In the final analysis, the governmentought to boost supply to end the supply-demandimbalance in the property market. Unless it does so, allits other measures will be palliative.
明報英語網「雙語社評」english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
設立樓市資訊平台有助新樓公平交易
明報社評2010.07.27
消委會實地走訪了19 個樓盤的銷售情况，發現準買家難以獲得即時、可靠、全面、適時的物業資訊，對發展商和地產代理所提供資訊，無法印證是否真確，準買家所掌握資訊處於劣勢情况下，被誤導的可能就較大。消委會就此提出9 項建議，包括設立物業市場資訊平台。目前，發展商安排新樓盤銷售的流程，是一種單向宣傳，準買家去完一間房到第二間房，後面的人接踵而來，準買家難有充裕時間了解樓盤的總體情况。這種單向流程，加上發展商和地產代理向準買家單方面發放資料，使準買家處於資訊不對稱的不利位置。
另外，近年，許多人買新樓單位都有類似經驗，就是地產代理在游說時，提供包括區內新樓供應、樓盤上一批單位售出後已升值多少等的意見和說法，情况是否真確，由於準買家難以取得緊貼市况的物業資訊，若地產代理蓄意誤導，而售樓處整個銷售氣氛又使準買家陷於焦慮情况，這樣的話，準買家進行畢生最大筆交易時，能否掌握全盤正確資料後作理性正確抉擇，是一大疑問。
針對這種情况，消委會建議設立物業市場資訊平台，由一個中央、具權威的機構，發放有關物業資訊，例如同區有多少單位，平均呎價多少，該樓盤已賣了多少，還有多少未賣等，讓準買家參考。這個建議，我們認為政府應該研議，而且負責推行，理由有二：
首先，目前關於物業數據，政府擁有最多。若這些數據資料由政府部門集中處理，加上個別樓盤單位價格、供應情况和及時的成交資料等，就可以組成一個齊全而權威物業資訊數據庫。
其次，只有政府透過行政措施甚至立法，要求和強制發展商配合，才可以確保發展商盡快提供所銷售新樓的最新資料，並確保售樓處有適當設施，讓準買家可以瀏覽有關資訊平台，取得即時、可靠、全面、適時的物業資訊，使他們在資訊取得方面，與發展商和地產代理處於對等位置，有助於他們作明智抉擇。
我們認為，消委會的9 點建議，都值得政府研議接受，若與「9 招12 式」一齊執行，更有可能達至「資訊透明，公平交易」之目的。
關於新樓住宅買賣規管，政府仍然依賴發展商自律，「9 招12 式」執行未幾，不宜武斷地說無效，我們認為，政府必須密切留意事態發展，若不收效，應該盡快推行立法規管。另外，規管銷售手法，並不能使樓市健康平穩發展，歸根究柢還是要增加供應，理順樓市供需失衡情况，否則無論再推出多少招式，都只是頭痛醫頭，腳痛醫腳，不可能徹底解決問題。
Glossary
asymmetry /eI'sImItrI/lack of symmetry.
do well
If you do well to do something, it is sensiblefor you to do it.in the final analysisafter all due consideration.
2010年7月26日星期一
Development and conservation
TAI LONG SAI WAN, which tops theAgriculture, Fisheries and ConservationDepartment's list of Hong Kong's ten mostscenic spots, has been badly marred with excavation.It is most infuriating that officials seem to believethere is no law they can rely on to do anything about it.
We demand that the government declare whether TaiLong Sai Wan is worth conserving. If it is not, officials'wait-and-see attitude is understandable. If it is, theyought to find ways to protect it so that Mongolia Energychairman Simon Lo will shrink from difficulties and lestthe backyard citizens love best should be irretrievablydamaged.
The seven million citizens used to share betweenthem Tai Long Sai Wan's natural beauty. Lo paid about$20 million for a site there. Excavation subsequentlybegan on it, which has spoilt its scenery.
Thirteen years ago, when British rule over theterritory was to end in less than three months, ittranspired that a developer planned to develop TaiLong Wan. To protect its natural beauty, Chris Patten,the last Governor of Hong Kong, instructed that theTown Planning Board have the Tai Long WanDevelopment Permission Area (DPA) Plan gazetted.
The Plan pertains to about 50 hectares of land. Most ofit is designated for protection or for development ofspecial scientific value. Only about seven hectares isleft for rural development. What Lo has acquired ispresumably part or all of the seven hectares.
In the past few days, when they talked about TaiLong Sai Wan, officials only stressed the greatdifficulty the situation presented, saying there was nolaw they could rely on to do anything about it becausethe land was not included in the DPA Plan. However,according to some conservationists, the government isempowered by statute suddenly to promulgate DPAPlans. Were officials aware that the government hasthe power? They might not have been, but they arenow. Will the government use the power to protect TaiLong Sai Wan?
In June this year, the Agriculture, Fisheries andConservation Department, aware that there wasdevelopment in the area, had its officers find out howtrees had been felled there. It gave the LandsDepartment a report. The Antiquities and MonumentsOffice had conducted archaeological surveys there.
Under the mechanisms in force, the authorities shouldhave immediately told the Antiquities and MonumentsOffice what had happened in Tai Long Sai Wan. Wegathered that it received no such information. In ourview, it is not open to the government to keepprocrastinating about saving Tai Long Sai Wan. It musttake decisive action to give the area total protection.
Private land in or adjacent to country parksaccounts for 1% to 2% of Hong Kong's area. As suchland is not included in any DPA Plans, the governmentcan rely on no laws to protect them. That isconsequent on its misguided policy. The government isto blame for it. Some have suggested the governmentreacquire all such land with public money. It is worthdiscussing whether it is advisable to do so.
Nevertheless, the government must not just takepalliative measures. It should conduct acomprehensive review to decide which of such piecesof land may or may not be developed. It should makepublic a list of such sites so that people will know whatthey may do. This is the way of settling the questiononce and for all. This is the only way that trulyembodies the quintessence of a proper balancebetween development and conservation.
2010.07.23明報社評
大浪西灣毁容僅冰山一角發展保育平衡須全面審視
獲漁護署選為香港十大勝景之首的大浪西灣，被挖掘工程搞得滿目瘡痍，最使人氣憤者，是政府官員擺出一副無法可依的束手無策樣子。我們要求政府公開宣示大浪西灣是否值得保育，若認為不值得，現在官員的觀望取態，可以理解；若認為值得保育，則官員應該想辦法保護大浪西灣，使地主蒙古能源主席魯連城知難而退，使這片市民至愛的後花園，不致再遭更多毒手而無法挽回。
大浪西灣的自然美景本來為700 萬市民共有共享，魯連城先生以約2000 萬元買入土地，然後大興土木，不但先破壞優美環境。
13 年前，港英政府管治香港還剩下不到3 個月，鑑於有地產商欲發展大浪灣，末代港督彭定康為保護大浪灣美景，指示城規會將大浪灣《發展審批地區圖》刊憲，涵蓋約50 公頃土地，把大部分土地劃為「保護區」或「具特殊科學價值發展」，只留下約7 公頃土地作「鄉村式發展」用途。魯先生買入的，相信就是這7 公頃的全部或部分土地。
近日，政府官員論及大浪西灣事態時，只強調因為未納入地區圖，以至無法可依的困境；但是據環保人士說，法例賦予政府緊急發布地區圖的權力。政府官員對此權力，是否知之？若原本不知，現在知道了，政府會否據之以保護大浪西灣？
另外，漁護署今年6 月得知該處有發展，曾派員到場了解樹木被砍伐情况，然後轉告地政總署，古蹟辦曾在該處作考古調查，按既定機制，當局應該把情况立即通報古蹟辦，但是據知古蹟辦當時並未收到通報。由於涉及保護考古遺址，制止西灣的工程，顯得更為必要。關於此事，我們認為並無空間讓政府及官員繼續觀望、蹉跎，只有採取果斷手段，把大浪西灣全面保護起來的迫切。
現在全港郊野公園內、或「邊皮」鄉郊私人土地，約佔全港土地面積1%至2%，都不受發展審批地區圖規管，政府難以執法。這是政策失誤的結果，政府難辭其咎。有建議以公帑全部收購這些土地，是否恰當，值得商榷；但是政府不應頭痛醫頭、腳痛醫腳，應該全面審視這些土地，哪些可以發展，哪些不能發展，必須保育，開列清單，把情况攤在陽光下，讓大家知所遵行，才是徹底解決問題之道，也才真正體現發展與保育之間取得平衡的精髓。
Glossary
infuriating /In'fj ʊ?rI ?eItI ?? /enraging.
promulgate /'pr ?m ?l ?geIt/make known to the public.
palliative /'palI ?tIv/serving to alleviate a problem without solving it.
We demand that the government declare whether TaiLong Sai Wan is worth conserving. If it is not, officials'wait-and-see attitude is understandable. If it is, theyought to find ways to protect it so that Mongolia Energychairman Simon Lo will shrink from difficulties and lestthe backyard citizens love best should be irretrievablydamaged.
The seven million citizens used to share betweenthem Tai Long Sai Wan's natural beauty. Lo paid about$20 million for a site there. Excavation subsequentlybegan on it, which has spoilt its scenery.
Thirteen years ago, when British rule over theterritory was to end in less than three months, ittranspired that a developer planned to develop TaiLong Wan. To protect its natural beauty, Chris Patten,the last Governor of Hong Kong, instructed that theTown Planning Board have the Tai Long WanDevelopment Permission Area (DPA) Plan gazetted.
The Plan pertains to about 50 hectares of land. Most ofit is designated for protection or for development ofspecial scientific value. Only about seven hectares isleft for rural development. What Lo has acquired ispresumably part or all of the seven hectares.
In the past few days, when they talked about TaiLong Sai Wan, officials only stressed the greatdifficulty the situation presented, saying there was nolaw they could rely on to do anything about it becausethe land was not included in the DPA Plan. However,according to some conservationists, the government isempowered by statute suddenly to promulgate DPAPlans. Were officials aware that the government hasthe power? They might not have been, but they arenow. Will the government use the power to protect TaiLong Sai Wan?
In June this year, the Agriculture, Fisheries andConservation Department, aware that there wasdevelopment in the area, had its officers find out howtrees had been felled there. It gave the LandsDepartment a report. The Antiquities and MonumentsOffice had conducted archaeological surveys there.
Under the mechanisms in force, the authorities shouldhave immediately told the Antiquities and MonumentsOffice what had happened in Tai Long Sai Wan. Wegathered that it received no such information. In ourview, it is not open to the government to keepprocrastinating about saving Tai Long Sai Wan. It musttake decisive action to give the area total protection.
Private land in or adjacent to country parksaccounts for 1% to 2% of Hong Kong's area. As suchland is not included in any DPA Plans, the governmentcan rely on no laws to protect them. That isconsequent on its misguided policy. The government isto blame for it. Some have suggested the governmentreacquire all such land with public money. It is worthdiscussing whether it is advisable to do so.
Nevertheless, the government must not just takepalliative measures. It should conduct acomprehensive review to decide which of such piecesof land may or may not be developed. It should makepublic a list of such sites so that people will know whatthey may do. This is the way of settling the questiononce and for all. This is the only way that trulyembodies the quintessence of a proper balancebetween development and conservation.
2010.07.23明報社評
大浪西灣毁容僅冰山一角發展保育平衡須全面審視
獲漁護署選為香港十大勝景之首的大浪西灣，被挖掘工程搞得滿目瘡痍，最使人氣憤者，是政府官員擺出一副無法可依的束手無策樣子。我們要求政府公開宣示大浪西灣是否值得保育，若認為不值得，現在官員的觀望取態，可以理解；若認為值得保育，則官員應該想辦法保護大浪西灣，使地主蒙古能源主席魯連城知難而退，使這片市民至愛的後花園，不致再遭更多毒手而無法挽回。
大浪西灣的自然美景本來為700 萬市民共有共享，魯連城先生以約2000 萬元買入土地，然後大興土木，不但先破壞優美環境。
13 年前，港英政府管治香港還剩下不到3 個月，鑑於有地產商欲發展大浪灣，末代港督彭定康為保護大浪灣美景，指示城規會將大浪灣《發展審批地區圖》刊憲，涵蓋約50 公頃土地，把大部分土地劃為「保護區」或「具特殊科學價值發展」，只留下約7 公頃土地作「鄉村式發展」用途。魯先生買入的，相信就是這7 公頃的全部或部分土地。
近日，政府官員論及大浪西灣事態時，只強調因為未納入地區圖，以至無法可依的困境；但是據環保人士說，法例賦予政府緊急發布地區圖的權力。政府官員對此權力，是否知之？若原本不知，現在知道了，政府會否據之以保護大浪西灣？
另外，漁護署今年6 月得知該處有發展，曾派員到場了解樹木被砍伐情况，然後轉告地政總署，古蹟辦曾在該處作考古調查，按既定機制，當局應該把情况立即通報古蹟辦，但是據知古蹟辦當時並未收到通報。由於涉及保護考古遺址，制止西灣的工程，顯得更為必要。關於此事，我們認為並無空間讓政府及官員繼續觀望、蹉跎，只有採取果斷手段，把大浪西灣全面保護起來的迫切。
現在全港郊野公園內、或「邊皮」鄉郊私人土地，約佔全港土地面積1%至2%，都不受發展審批地區圖規管，政府難以執法。這是政策失誤的結果，政府難辭其咎。有建議以公帑全部收購這些土地，是否恰當，值得商榷；但是政府不應頭痛醫頭、腳痛醫腳，應該全面審視這些土地，哪些可以發展，哪些不能發展，必須保育，開列清單，把情况攤在陽光下，讓大家知所遵行，才是徹底解決問題之道，也才真正體現發展與保育之間取得平衡的精髓。
Glossary
infuriating /In'fj ʊ?rI ?eItI ?? /enraging.
promulgate /'pr ?m ?l ?geIt/make known to the public.
palliative /'palI ?tIv/serving to alleviate a problem without solving it.
2010年7月24日星期六
Just a thought - take ATV off air
How much longer must television audiences stomach substandard programs thrust down their throats day in and day out?
No wonder many viewers don't bother switching on their TV sets except to watch the daily main newscasts.
I don't blame them. There hasn't been anything worth watching for a very long time.
It was, however, amazing to hear at a Legislative Council panel meeting yesterday that ATV had complained to the Broadcasting Authority, accusing its major rival, TVB, of a monopoly.
Even more amusing was an official saying the Commerce and Economic Development Bureau found no evidence to suggest TVB had any such thing on broadcasting.
Any child can tell you TVB has dominated the industry for God knows how long. It not only has a huge market share, but also a high-handed policy.
The major reason is because there's no real competition. What's really stunning is that it took so many years with so many billions of dollars flushed down the drain for "loser" ATV to realize the fact. Who can it blame?
A little bird in the corridors of power recently whispered to me that officials were urged to revoke ATV's license and award it to other suitors. But they decided against this for political reasons - the ATV stakeholders are locked in a lawsuit launched by the station's Taiwanese shareholder, while recent fund injections came mostly from mainland interests.
Hopefully, with the current one- month public consultation on free-to- air TV licenses, viewers can look forward to something better.
Earlier this month, at the start of the exercise, the government revealed details of the bids by Cable TV, PCCW, and Hong Kong Broadband. PCCW asked to be exempted from providing an English channel, while Cable TV and HK Broadband both intend to invest more than HK$1 billion in the first six years of operation.
Cable envisions spending 96 percent of its money on programming, while Broadband would allocate about one- third of that amount to the same area.
PCCW said it would inject more than HK$600 million in the first three years, but didn't break down how much would be spent on programming, and how much on operations.
As to the number of channels, Broadband expects to start with 12, gradually rising to 20. Cable plans two 24-hour channels - one Cantonese, one English - airing overseas programs.
PCCW doesn't want to operate an English channel, saying it would lose money because the local market is already over saturated. But it would compromise if the government insists.
PCCW also seeks exemption from complying with an existing requirement that broadcasters provide a certain amount of programming that is "wholly of Hong Kong origin" - describing it as too costly.
Promises, promises. On paper, all these submissions appear impressive.
But let's hope our ministers and officials responsible will look a lot deeper into the whole industry and its problems before opening up our airwaves.
Viewers certainly don't want to see a transplant of the messy Taiwanese TV industry into Hong Kong - and the danger of any TV station being made use of politically.
Nor do we want a carbon-copy of the current degrading broadcasting industry in the mainland.
Competition is only good when its healthy.
英文虎報
Central Station | By Mary Ma
No wonder many viewers don't bother switching on their TV sets except to watch the daily main newscasts.
I don't blame them. There hasn't been anything worth watching for a very long time.
It was, however, amazing to hear at a Legislative Council panel meeting yesterday that ATV had complained to the Broadcasting Authority, accusing its major rival, TVB, of a monopoly.
Even more amusing was an official saying the Commerce and Economic Development Bureau found no evidence to suggest TVB had any such thing on broadcasting.
Any child can tell you TVB has dominated the industry for God knows how long. It not only has a huge market share, but also a high-handed policy.
The major reason is because there's no real competition. What's really stunning is that it took so many years with so many billions of dollars flushed down the drain for "loser" ATV to realize the fact. Who can it blame?
A little bird in the corridors of power recently whispered to me that officials were urged to revoke ATV's license and award it to other suitors. But they decided against this for political reasons - the ATV stakeholders are locked in a lawsuit launched by the station's Taiwanese shareholder, while recent fund injections came mostly from mainland interests.
Hopefully, with the current one- month public consultation on free-to- air TV licenses, viewers can look forward to something better.
Earlier this month, at the start of the exercise, the government revealed details of the bids by Cable TV, PCCW, and Hong Kong Broadband. PCCW asked to be exempted from providing an English channel, while Cable TV and HK Broadband both intend to invest more than HK$1 billion in the first six years of operation.
Cable envisions spending 96 percent of its money on programming, while Broadband would allocate about one- third of that amount to the same area.
PCCW said it would inject more than HK$600 million in the first three years, but didn't break down how much would be spent on programming, and how much on operations.
As to the number of channels, Broadband expects to start with 12, gradually rising to 20. Cable plans two 24-hour channels - one Cantonese, one English - airing overseas programs.
PCCW doesn't want to operate an English channel, saying it would lose money because the local market is already over saturated. But it would compromise if the government insists.
PCCW also seeks exemption from complying with an existing requirement that broadcasters provide a certain amount of programming that is "wholly of Hong Kong origin" - describing it as too costly.
Promises, promises. On paper, all these submissions appear impressive.
But let's hope our ministers and officials responsible will look a lot deeper into the whole industry and its problems before opening up our airwaves.
Viewers certainly don't want to see a transplant of the messy Taiwanese TV industry into Hong Kong - and the danger of any TV station being made use of politically.
Nor do we want a carbon-copy of the current degrading broadcasting industry in the mainland.
Competition is only good when its healthy.
英文虎報
Central Station | By Mary Ma
Action disappoints Dragon's fans
This year marks the 70th anniversary of the birth of kung fu superstar Bruce Lee.
As a fan of the Hong Kong legend, I'm sad and disappointed - like millions of his admirers - that there's still no sight of a museum in the city where he rose to fame.
We've been patient, but there's still only one statue of Hong Kong's most famous son in the Avenue of Stars.
About two years ago, following a long struggle to save Lee's former home, the green light was finally given for the property to become a museum.
Located at 41 Cumberland Road in Kowloon Tong, the 5,700-square-foot mansion was where Little Dragon spent the last years of his life, before his untimely death 37 years ago on Tuesday at age 32. The building had been converted into a love motel, with rooms rented by the hour, before billionaire Yu Pang-lin bought the property and later handed it over to the Hong Kong government to convert into a museum.
Although no time frame was set, I'd have thought once those plans were put in place, it would take shape quickly and, in no time, Mr Fist of Fury would finally have his own museum here.
But despite the generosity of philanthropist Yu's HK$100 million donation, and the government's efforts through a public contest to select a tailor-made design for the museum, the building remains off-limits to visitors. On any given day, it's become common to see scores of tourists snapping pictures just outside the locked premises. So, why the delay? In this case, I can hardly blame red tape or government bureaucracy. The holdup is procedural wrangling, as the land donation has yet to be processed since Yu wanted to preserve the two-story structure.
Under a recommended plan, the museum would include an exhibition hall, video room, kung fu room, library and souvenir shop. The master plan calls for building a basement, designated to be Yu's charity fund office.
All this posed no problem until a suggestion was made that the basement should be three floors, which would have to be built underground since the two-story building must be preserved.
This poses more than a headache for the authorities, since buildings in Kowloon Tong usually only have one underground floor, mainly for parking and air-conditioning facilities.
So if one wants to build three underground floors, it requires approval from the Town Planning Board. Besides this, problems such as whether the construction will affect the structures of nearby buildings, the environment, and traffic must also be carefully addressed.
According to the plan that won the design contest, it was recommended to build one floor underground. So why insist on the "three-floor" concept?
In fact, the government also reckoned that using the basement as a private office posed a problem. For while it is for charitable purposes, the money would come from taxpayers - setting a bad precedent.
We can only hope both Yu and the government can cooperate despite the constraints, and use their imagination to make the museum possible.
Otherwise, Lee fans will be highly disappointed.
英文虎報
Central Station | By Mary Ma
As a fan of the Hong Kong legend, I'm sad and disappointed - like millions of his admirers - that there's still no sight of a museum in the city where he rose to fame.
We've been patient, but there's still only one statue of Hong Kong's most famous son in the Avenue of Stars.
About two years ago, following a long struggle to save Lee's former home, the green light was finally given for the property to become a museum.
Located at 41 Cumberland Road in Kowloon Tong, the 5,700-square-foot mansion was where Little Dragon spent the last years of his life, before his untimely death 37 years ago on Tuesday at age 32. The building had been converted into a love motel, with rooms rented by the hour, before billionaire Yu Pang-lin bought the property and later handed it over to the Hong Kong government to convert into a museum.
Although no time frame was set, I'd have thought once those plans were put in place, it would take shape quickly and, in no time, Mr Fist of Fury would finally have his own museum here.
But despite the generosity of philanthropist Yu's HK$100 million donation, and the government's efforts through a public contest to select a tailor-made design for the museum, the building remains off-limits to visitors. On any given day, it's become common to see scores of tourists snapping pictures just outside the locked premises. So, why the delay? In this case, I can hardly blame red tape or government bureaucracy. The holdup is procedural wrangling, as the land donation has yet to be processed since Yu wanted to preserve the two-story structure.
Under a recommended plan, the museum would include an exhibition hall, video room, kung fu room, library and souvenir shop. The master plan calls for building a basement, designated to be Yu's charity fund office.
All this posed no problem until a suggestion was made that the basement should be three floors, which would have to be built underground since the two-story building must be preserved.
This poses more than a headache for the authorities, since buildings in Kowloon Tong usually only have one underground floor, mainly for parking and air-conditioning facilities.
So if one wants to build three underground floors, it requires approval from the Town Planning Board. Besides this, problems such as whether the construction will affect the structures of nearby buildings, the environment, and traffic must also be carefully addressed.
According to the plan that won the design contest, it was recommended to build one floor underground. So why insist on the "three-floor" concept?
In fact, the government also reckoned that using the basement as a private office posed a problem. For while it is for charitable purposes, the money would come from taxpayers - setting a bad precedent.
We can only hope both Yu and the government can cooperate despite the constraints, and use their imagination to make the museum possible.
Otherwise, Lee fans will be highly disappointed.
英文虎報
Central Station | By Mary Ma
Saving the last frontier
Thank God, the red flag was raised in time to stop bulldozers from further destroying one of Hong Kong's top 10 scenic spots, Sai Wan.
But sorry, environment minister Edward Yau Tang-wah doesn't deserve a pat on the back even though he pulled the plug on the massive excavation work on the 10,000-square-meter site along the coast of Tai Long Wan, in a remote part of Sai Kung.
That's because Yau only woke up after an outcry by more than 37,000 netizens on Facebook over the past couple of days, protesting against what they saw as wanton destruction.
Their frustration, along with the concerns of green groups, are understandable, as they were shocked to learn that a wealthy businessman was quietly transforming an abandoned village he bought into a private lodge.
The netizens are angry because they care about the beautiful scenery of Sai Wan - especially since it's Hong Kong's last natural scenic spot.
The beach is famous for its fine sand and clear blue water. Sai Wan is considered one of the city's Four Wonders, and is highly recommended by the Hong Kong Tourism Board as a green travel destination.
So, one wonders how come such a natural wonder isn't under proper protection. Netizens also want to know why the rich can develop a site without considering the environment.
To be fair to the businessman, he has done nothing wrong legally. His only offense may have been chopping down a number of trees since - according to the law - one must apply for permission to cut down trees.
But this may be hard to prove. As Yau said yesterday: "In the preliminary checking, including my personal visit there, I have seen that there are some excavation works done, but there is not much tree felling when we compare the [site with] aerial photos taken some years ago. That site might have been an abandoned field. I have not seen very clear evidence of vegetation destruction." Simon Lo Lin-shing, chairman of Mongolia Energy Corp, and Vision Values Holdings, acquired the Sai Wan site for more than HK$16 million. He was quoted as saying it will be turned into an organic garden, but local villagers say it will be a private lodge with artificial ponds, a tennis court and a separate apartment with a helipad.
The abandoned village is in a remote area surrounded by the Sai Kung East Country Park, but isn't part of the park. There's no road and it's only accessible on foot or by boat. The bulldozers were barged in.
Literally, Lo can do whatever he likes with his own land, as long as it's within the law. He has every right also for a large piece of land nearby, which wasn't included in the outlying zoning plans - without a specific land use. This means the government's hands are tied.
Hong Kong has enough legislation governing land use. Therefore, the main problem here is the law regarding land in the New Territories - a long-running issue. The government has to be very careful in dealing with the current issue.
I, for one, don't want to see a repeat of the King Yin Lei saga in 2008, when the government was forced to swap valuable land with the owner under the name of preservation.
英文虎報
Central Station | By Mary Ma
But sorry, environment minister Edward Yau Tang-wah doesn't deserve a pat on the back even though he pulled the plug on the massive excavation work on the 10,000-square-meter site along the coast of Tai Long Wan, in a remote part of Sai Kung.
That's because Yau only woke up after an outcry by more than 37,000 netizens on Facebook over the past couple of days, protesting against what they saw as wanton destruction.
Their frustration, along with the concerns of green groups, are understandable, as they were shocked to learn that a wealthy businessman was quietly transforming an abandoned village he bought into a private lodge.
The netizens are angry because they care about the beautiful scenery of Sai Wan - especially since it's Hong Kong's last natural scenic spot.
The beach is famous for its fine sand and clear blue water. Sai Wan is considered one of the city's Four Wonders, and is highly recommended by the Hong Kong Tourism Board as a green travel destination.
So, one wonders how come such a natural wonder isn't under proper protection. Netizens also want to know why the rich can develop a site without considering the environment.
To be fair to the businessman, he has done nothing wrong legally. His only offense may have been chopping down a number of trees since - according to the law - one must apply for permission to cut down trees.
But this may be hard to prove. As Yau said yesterday: "In the preliminary checking, including my personal visit there, I have seen that there are some excavation works done, but there is not much tree felling when we compare the [site with] aerial photos taken some years ago. That site might have been an abandoned field. I have not seen very clear evidence of vegetation destruction." Simon Lo Lin-shing, chairman of Mongolia Energy Corp, and Vision Values Holdings, acquired the Sai Wan site for more than HK$16 million. He was quoted as saying it will be turned into an organic garden, but local villagers say it will be a private lodge with artificial ponds, a tennis court and a separate apartment with a helipad.
The abandoned village is in a remote area surrounded by the Sai Kung East Country Park, but isn't part of the park. There's no road and it's only accessible on foot or by boat. The bulldozers were barged in.
Literally, Lo can do whatever he likes with his own land, as long as it's within the law. He has every right also for a large piece of land nearby, which wasn't included in the outlying zoning plans - without a specific land use. This means the government's hands are tied.
Hong Kong has enough legislation governing land use. Therefore, the main problem here is the law regarding land in the New Territories - a long-running issue. The government has to be very careful in dealing with the current issue.
I, for one, don't want to see a repeat of the King Yin Lei saga in 2008, when the government was forced to swap valuable land with the owner under the name of preservation.
英文虎報
Central Station | By Mary Ma
2010年7月23日星期五
Leng mo zone
ON the horn of a dilemma, the TradeDevelopment Council (TDC) has, through theagency of an advisory panel, banned leng mofrom having autograph sessions at the Book Fair. Itthought it could, by doing so, prevent them from"hijacking" the Book Fair and keep it as it had been.Judging from their defiance and media reports aboutthem, the TDC's plan has failed.
It is understandable that the TDC has attempted toreduce leng mo's impact on the Book Fair to save itsimage as a cultural event and protect mainstreamvisitors' interests. It allows their photobooks to be soldat the Book Fair, but it has banned their book signings.
However, it allows them to promote their photobooks inthe venue. Conceivably, the TDC wants to preventdisruptions their autograph sessions may causewithout being accused of curtailing the freedom ofpublication. However, it is clear from what happenedon the first day of the Book Fair that, thanks to the"halfway house", the TDC has fallen between twostools. Corridors were jammed whenever any leng moappeared. Mainstream visitors blamed the TDC forfailing to prevent leng mo from causing disruptions.
The only criterion for determining whether a lengmo activity is permissible at the Book Fair is whether itis legal. It is bound to arouse controversy to take anyother factor into consideration.
Some things leng mo do go too far to be inkeeping with the mainstream. Some do not want theirchildren to have access to any leng mo photobooks ortake part in any of their activities. Their views ought tobe respected. However, it is no solution to ban leng mofrom the Book Fair.
The best way to lessen leng mo's impact on theBook Fair is to keep their photobooks away from it. If itis not possible to do so, another way is to have a "lengmo zone" at the Book Fair. The zone should be at adistance from the main venue and have its ownentrances and exits. Leng mo would have autographsessions there, and their photobooks would bedisplayed and sold there. Then, mainstream Book Fairvisitors and leng mo fans would go where they pleaseand all would be satisfied.
The Hong Kong Book Fair, which upholds theprinciple of cultural diversity, tolerance, catholicity anduniversal appeal, has blossomed in splendour. At ittitles banned on the mainland are readily available,and mainland writers barred from Taiwan may holdbook signings. Considered by Chinese people from themainland, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macau to be aspectacular cultural event, it draws large numbers ofChinese visitors from the mainland and other parts ofthe world.
The Book Fair has opened this year.Arrangements that have been made can hardly bealtered. We hope that, when it makes preparations forthe next Book Fair, the TDC will no longer be fetteredby what is called morals. It should focus onmanagement issues and set up a "leng mo zone"where leng mo may engage in activities and sell theirphotobooks. The zone would surely be anotherattraction of the Book Fair, which would become evenmore spectacular.
明報英語網「雙語社評」
english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
使模成為書展一道風景線，豈不善哉？
明報社評
2010.07.22
身陷兩難之局的貿易發展局借助顧問團之手，不准模在書展會場內辦簽名會，以為可以避免書展被模「騎劫」，還書展本來面目，不過，從模的抗爭和傳媒報道看來，貿發局的如意算盤未能打響。
貿發局着意保護書展的文化形象、顧及書展主流顧客的利益，盡量減低模對書展的影響，出發點可以理解；但是貿發局容許寫真集在會場擺賣，封殺簽名會排拒模之餘，卻又容許她們進入書展會場促銷，貿發局的盤算，相信是不欲蒙上打壓出版自由的污名，又收到避免簽名活動滋擾其他人的效果。但是，證諸書展首日，這個中間落墨做法，實際上兩頭不討好，模出現仍然使會場途為之塞，主流顧客則怪責貿發局未能杜絕模所引發滋擾。
其實，模與書展的關係，法律應該是檢視模寫真集與其活動的唯一標準，法律以外的其他考慮，必然引發爭議。
模一些行徑過於出位，與社會主流取向有所扞格，部分家長也不欲子女接觸到模寫真集及活動，這些意見必須尊重。但是封殺絕非解決問題的方法。
貿發局要消除模對書展的影響，最理想是把模寫真集自書展剝離。若未能徹底使模剝離書展，則在書展設立「模寫真集與相關活動專區」，也是解決問題之道。專區與書展主場明確區隔，設在會展較偏遠之處，人流進出也與主場分開，寫真集在專區銷售，模在其間辦簽名會。這樣的話，書展主流顧客與模粉絲各適其適，皆大歡喜。
香港書展一直憑着文化多元、包容並蓄、雅俗共賞的大原則，在兩岸三地大放異彩，在內地被禁書籍，可以在這裏輕易找到，無法踏足台灣的大陸作家，在這裏可以為讀者簽名，所以，香港書展已經成為華人世界的文化盛事，吸引着內地和其他地方的華人來訪。
這一屆書展已經開幕，現行安排難以改動，我們希望貿發局下一屆不應再囿於所謂道德層面，應該單從管理着手，設立「模寫真集與相關活動專區」，使模寫真集和其活動成為書展另一道風景線，則香港書展會更放異彩。
G lossary
halfway house
something that has some feature of one thingand some features of another.
fall between two stools
fail to get either of two choices, both of whichwould be acceptable.
mainstream
ideas and opinions that are thought to be normalbecause they are shared by most people.
It is understandable that the TDC has attempted toreduce leng mo's impact on the Book Fair to save itsimage as a cultural event and protect mainstreamvisitors' interests. It allows their photobooks to be soldat the Book Fair, but it has banned their book signings.
However, it allows them to promote their photobooks inthe venue. Conceivably, the TDC wants to preventdisruptions their autograph sessions may causewithout being accused of curtailing the freedom ofpublication. However, it is clear from what happenedon the first day of the Book Fair that, thanks to the"halfway house", the TDC has fallen between twostools. Corridors were jammed whenever any leng moappeared. Mainstream visitors blamed the TDC forfailing to prevent leng mo from causing disruptions.
The only criterion for determining whether a lengmo activity is permissible at the Book Fair is whether itis legal. It is bound to arouse controversy to take anyother factor into consideration.
Some things leng mo do go too far to be inkeeping with the mainstream. Some do not want theirchildren to have access to any leng mo photobooks ortake part in any of their activities. Their views ought tobe respected. However, it is no solution to ban leng mofrom the Book Fair.
The best way to lessen leng mo's impact on theBook Fair is to keep their photobooks away from it. If itis not possible to do so, another way is to have a "lengmo zone" at the Book Fair. The zone should be at adistance from the main venue and have its ownentrances and exits. Leng mo would have autographsessions there, and their photobooks would bedisplayed and sold there. Then, mainstream Book Fairvisitors and leng mo fans would go where they pleaseand all would be satisfied.
The Hong Kong Book Fair, which upholds theprinciple of cultural diversity, tolerance, catholicity anduniversal appeal, has blossomed in splendour. At ittitles banned on the mainland are readily available,and mainland writers barred from Taiwan may holdbook signings. Considered by Chinese people from themainland, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macau to be aspectacular cultural event, it draws large numbers ofChinese visitors from the mainland and other parts ofthe world.
The Book Fair has opened this year.Arrangements that have been made can hardly bealtered. We hope that, when it makes preparations forthe next Book Fair, the TDC will no longer be fetteredby what is called morals. It should focus onmanagement issues and set up a "leng mo zone"where leng mo may engage in activities and sell theirphotobooks. The zone would surely be anotherattraction of the Book Fair, which would become evenmore spectacular.
明報英語網「雙語社評」
english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
使模成為書展一道風景線，豈不善哉？
明報社評
2010.07.22
身陷兩難之局的貿易發展局借助顧問團之手，不准模在書展會場內辦簽名會，以為可以避免書展被模「騎劫」，還書展本來面目，不過，從模的抗爭和傳媒報道看來，貿發局的如意算盤未能打響。
貿發局着意保護書展的文化形象、顧及書展主流顧客的利益，盡量減低模對書展的影響，出發點可以理解；但是貿發局容許寫真集在會場擺賣，封殺簽名會排拒模之餘，卻又容許她們進入書展會場促銷，貿發局的盤算，相信是不欲蒙上打壓出版自由的污名，又收到避免簽名活動滋擾其他人的效果。但是，證諸書展首日，這個中間落墨做法，實際上兩頭不討好，模出現仍然使會場途為之塞，主流顧客則怪責貿發局未能杜絕模所引發滋擾。
其實，模與書展的關係，法律應該是檢視模寫真集與其活動的唯一標準，法律以外的其他考慮，必然引發爭議。
模一些行徑過於出位，與社會主流取向有所扞格，部分家長也不欲子女接觸到模寫真集及活動，這些意見必須尊重。但是封殺絕非解決問題的方法。
貿發局要消除模對書展的影響，最理想是把模寫真集自書展剝離。若未能徹底使模剝離書展，則在書展設立「模寫真集與相關活動專區」，也是解決問題之道。專區與書展主場明確區隔，設在會展較偏遠之處，人流進出也與主場分開，寫真集在專區銷售，模在其間辦簽名會。這樣的話，書展主流顧客與模粉絲各適其適，皆大歡喜。
香港書展一直憑着文化多元、包容並蓄、雅俗共賞的大原則，在兩岸三地大放異彩，在內地被禁書籍，可以在這裏輕易找到，無法踏足台灣的大陸作家，在這裏可以為讀者簽名，所以，香港書展已經成為華人世界的文化盛事，吸引着內地和其他地方的華人來訪。
這一屆書展已經開幕，現行安排難以改動，我們希望貿發局下一屆不應再囿於所謂道德層面，應該單從管理着手，設立「模寫真集與相關活動專區」，使模寫真集和其活動成為書展另一道風景線，則香港書展會更放異彩。
G lossary
halfway house
something that has some feature of one thingand some features of another.
fall between two stools
fail to get either of two choices, both of whichwould be acceptable.
mainstream
ideas and opinions that are thought to be normalbecause they are shared by most people.
HK business people must not cling to their privileges
YESTERDAY in Beijing a ChineseManufacturers' Association (CMA) delegationmet separately with Jia Qinglin, Chairman ofthe Chinese People's Political ConsultativeConference, and Zhou Bo, a Deputy Director of theHong Kong and Macau Affairs Office. After themeetings, Lam Tai Tai--fai, the legislator that representsthe CMA, acknowledged they had told Jia Qinglin thatHong Kong's functional constituencies were of suchuse that it was unnecessary to abolish them and thatthey were worried about the impact of rising wages onproductivity and the business environment on themainland. The CMA representatives' views are quiteout of keeping with the general trends of national andglobal economic development.
The global economic situation has changed agreat deal since the financial tsunami.
The US and developed European countries areunable even to fend for themselves. China, which hasrelied on its exports to the US and Europe to fuel itseconomic growth, must make adjustments.Furthermore, China's savings rate is high. The ratio ofits domestic consumption to its GDP is only 50% ,much lower than the US' and European countries'(about 70%). Furthermore, it has a favourable balanceof trade. Therefore, the Americans often pressureBeijing to revalue the yuan. It is China's "post post--financialtsunami policy" to increase domestic consumption,boost domestic demand and reduce its reliance onexports. To increase consumption, it is necessary topush up wages.
Not only has the global economic situationchanged. China's domestic situation has changed too.The rich rich--poor gap is what has worriedmainlanders most in recent years. "Mass incidents"and demonstrations against local authorities haveoften been reported. The wide rich rich--poor gap is a majorfactor in social instability.
It is the nation's general social policy to narrow therich rich--poor gap.
According to CCaaiijjiinngg GGuuoojjiiaa ZZhhoouukkaann, a mainland, publication, copies of a consultative draft plan forincome distribution reform in the twelfth five five--yearperiod have been sent to top officials of somegovernment departments and top managers of somestate state--owned enterprises. It is mainly about deterringpay rises at monopolies by demanding that they turnover more of their profits to the state and encouragingpay rises at others by granting them tax and chargebreaks. The central government aims at doublingwages in five years.
It seems clear from the draft plan that the centralgovernment considers it imperative to have low low--paidworkers get higher wages. It is not yet known howvigorously it will carry out this policy, but the generalpolicy direction is presumably irreversible.
Hong Kong business people are accustomed toliving under an umbrella of political privileges. Theyrely on functional constituencies' privileges tosafeguard their interests. However, Hong Kong peoplewho have factories on the mainland must realiselow low--paid mainland workers' interests and the nation'soverall interests override theirs. Allowing workersbetter pay is an important part of China's economicrestructuring. The days are gone when they could takeadvantage of cheap labour to make money.Businesses that fail to improve their productivity byrestructuring themselves are bound to be knocked out.
Hong Kong, a developed economy, ought tocontribute to the mainland's restructuring. What HongKong people running businesses on the mainlandought to do is to adapt themselves to the new policy assoon as possible. They should, relying on theadvantages of the systems of Hong Kong (a developedregion), upgrade their operations and make them moreproductive. They ought not to rely on their privileges orturn to mainland leaders for "benefits" whenever theyencounter difficulties.
There is already a timetable for electing the ChiefExecutive and all the Legislative Council members byuniversal suffrage. It is certain that, in 2020, thefunctional constituency system designed to protectbusiness people's interests will be no more. Thehistoric tide of Hong Kong's democratisation is flowing.Hong Kong's constitutional system will not remainunchanged. Business people must adapt themselvesto changes. They must rely on their own efforts andfield candidates, who must compete fairly with others.Only if they do so will they be represented in thelegislature. It is futile for them to cling to their privilegesand look for the central government's favours. Theywill only fare worse and worse if they do so.
明報英語網「雙語社評」
english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
明報社評
2010.07.21
世界在變國家在變港商勿死抱特權不變
中華廠商聯合會訪問團昨日訪京，分別會見全國政協主席賈慶林及港澳辦副主任周波，會後，廠商會立法會議員林大輝承認，他們曾向賈慶林提出，香港的功能組別有存在價值，沒有必要取消，亦對內地工資及最低工資的上漲對營商環境及生產力的影響表示關注。廠商會代表的說法，與世界及國家經濟發展的大勢，嚴重脫節。
金融海嘯之後，世界經濟大勢已經變了。
歐美等發達國家自身難保，中國過去依靠出口到歐美以帶動經濟的模式，不得不調整。此外，中國儲蓄率高，國民消費開支只佔GDP 約五成，與歐美佔七成的比率有很大差距，加上貿易順差，引來美國對人民幣升值頻頻施壓。中國要提升內需、增加國民消費，並減少對出口的依賴，成為「後金融海嘯」的新國策；而增加國民消費的大前提，是國民工資收入水平必須提高。
除了世界經濟大勢外，中國內部的局勢也在改變。
貧富懸殊是近年內地最關注的問題，群體性事件叢生，示威抗議衝擊地方政府部門時有所聞，造成社會不穩的最主要原因之一，就是貧富差距過於懸殊。
縮減貧富差距，是國家的社會政策大方向。
內地《財經國家周刊》報道， 「十二?五規劃」有關收入分配改革方案的「徵求意見稿」（類似香港的政策諮詢文件）已提交到相關政府部門及國企高層案頭，內容主要是透過提高上繳的比例，限制壟斷性企業的工資增長，同時透過減免稅費的方式，提高非壟斷性行業員工的工資增長，目標是在55 年內倍增。
從「徵求意見稿」看來，內地增加低收入工人工資，已是勢在必行。雖然最終落實力度仍是未知之數，但政策的大方向相信已是不可逆轉。
香港工商界習慣了活在政治特權保護傘之下，依仗功能組別的特權，維護自身的利益，但在內地設廠的港商必須認清，中國低收入工人的利益、國家整體發展的利益，遠較港商的一己利益重要。提高工人工資，是內地經濟轉型的重要部分，只懂利用廉價勞工賺錢的年代已經過去了，不懂轉型提升競爭力的企業注定將被淘汰。
香港是已發展經濟體，理應對內地的升級轉型作出貢獻，內地港商應做的是盡早配合政策，利用香港已發展地區的制度優勢，提升生產力，升級換代，而不是每當遇上困難時，就想起依仗自身的政治特權，向領導人「攞着數」。
至於香港本地，雙普選已有時間表，目前保護工商界利益的傳統功能組別選舉模式，到2020 年肯定不會再存在。香港民主化的歷史潮流已經向前滾動，政制不可能停留不動。工商界要做的，應該是配合轉變，憑藉自己的努力，參與選舉，藉着公平公正的競爭，贏得權力，才可以在議會有代言人，保障自己的利益。如果仍然戀棧特權，期望中央照顧，只會心勞日絀，徒勞無功。
Glossary
monopoly
a company that has complete control of theproduct or service it provides.
overridebe more important than.
look for hope for.
The global economic situation has changed agreat deal since the financial tsunami.
The US and developed European countries areunable even to fend for themselves. China, which hasrelied on its exports to the US and Europe to fuel itseconomic growth, must make adjustments.Furthermore, China's savings rate is high. The ratio ofits domestic consumption to its GDP is only 50% ,much lower than the US' and European countries'(about 70%). Furthermore, it has a favourable balanceof trade. Therefore, the Americans often pressureBeijing to revalue the yuan. It is China's "post post--financialtsunami policy" to increase domestic consumption,boost domestic demand and reduce its reliance onexports. To increase consumption, it is necessary topush up wages.
Not only has the global economic situationchanged. China's domestic situation has changed too.The rich rich--poor gap is what has worriedmainlanders most in recent years. "Mass incidents"and demonstrations against local authorities haveoften been reported. The wide rich rich--poor gap is a majorfactor in social instability.
It is the nation's general social policy to narrow therich rich--poor gap.
According to CCaaiijjiinngg GGuuoojjiiaa ZZhhoouukkaann, a mainland, publication, copies of a consultative draft plan forincome distribution reform in the twelfth five five--yearperiod have been sent to top officials of somegovernment departments and top managers of somestate state--owned enterprises. It is mainly about deterringpay rises at monopolies by demanding that they turnover more of their profits to the state and encouragingpay rises at others by granting them tax and chargebreaks. The central government aims at doublingwages in five years.
It seems clear from the draft plan that the centralgovernment considers it imperative to have low low--paidworkers get higher wages. It is not yet known howvigorously it will carry out this policy, but the generalpolicy direction is presumably irreversible.
Hong Kong business people are accustomed toliving under an umbrella of political privileges. Theyrely on functional constituencies' privileges tosafeguard their interests. However, Hong Kong peoplewho have factories on the mainland must realiselow low--paid mainland workers' interests and the nation'soverall interests override theirs. Allowing workersbetter pay is an important part of China's economicrestructuring. The days are gone when they could takeadvantage of cheap labour to make money.Businesses that fail to improve their productivity byrestructuring themselves are bound to be knocked out.
Hong Kong, a developed economy, ought tocontribute to the mainland's restructuring. What HongKong people running businesses on the mainlandought to do is to adapt themselves to the new policy assoon as possible. They should, relying on theadvantages of the systems of Hong Kong (a developedregion), upgrade their operations and make them moreproductive. They ought not to rely on their privileges orturn to mainland leaders for "benefits" whenever theyencounter difficulties.
There is already a timetable for electing the ChiefExecutive and all the Legislative Council members byuniversal suffrage. It is certain that, in 2020, thefunctional constituency system designed to protectbusiness people's interests will be no more. Thehistoric tide of Hong Kong's democratisation is flowing.Hong Kong's constitutional system will not remainunchanged. Business people must adapt themselvesto changes. They must rely on their own efforts andfield candidates, who must compete fairly with others.Only if they do so will they be represented in thelegislature. It is futile for them to cling to their privilegesand look for the central government's favours. Theywill only fare worse and worse if they do so.
明報英語網「雙語社評」
english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
明報社評
2010.07.21
世界在變國家在變港商勿死抱特權不變
中華廠商聯合會訪問團昨日訪京，分別會見全國政協主席賈慶林及港澳辦副主任周波，會後，廠商會立法會議員林大輝承認，他們曾向賈慶林提出，香港的功能組別有存在價值，沒有必要取消，亦對內地工資及最低工資的上漲對營商環境及生產力的影響表示關注。廠商會代表的說法，與世界及國家經濟發展的大勢，嚴重脫節。
金融海嘯之後，世界經濟大勢已經變了。
歐美等發達國家自身難保，中國過去依靠出口到歐美以帶動經濟的模式，不得不調整。此外，中國儲蓄率高，國民消費開支只佔GDP 約五成，與歐美佔七成的比率有很大差距，加上貿易順差，引來美國對人民幣升值頻頻施壓。中國要提升內需、增加國民消費，並減少對出口的依賴，成為「後金融海嘯」的新國策；而增加國民消費的大前提，是國民工資收入水平必須提高。
除了世界經濟大勢外，中國內部的局勢也在改變。
貧富懸殊是近年內地最關注的問題，群體性事件叢生，示威抗議衝擊地方政府部門時有所聞，造成社會不穩的最主要原因之一，就是貧富差距過於懸殊。
縮減貧富差距，是國家的社會政策大方向。
內地《財經國家周刊》報道， 「十二?五規劃」有關收入分配改革方案的「徵求意見稿」（類似香港的政策諮詢文件）已提交到相關政府部門及國企高層案頭，內容主要是透過提高上繳的比例，限制壟斷性企業的工資增長，同時透過減免稅費的方式，提高非壟斷性行業員工的工資增長，目標是在55 年內倍增。
從「徵求意見稿」看來，內地增加低收入工人工資，已是勢在必行。雖然最終落實力度仍是未知之數，但政策的大方向相信已是不可逆轉。
香港工商界習慣了活在政治特權保護傘之下，依仗功能組別的特權，維護自身的利益，但在內地設廠的港商必須認清，中國低收入工人的利益、國家整體發展的利益，遠較港商的一己利益重要。提高工人工資，是內地經濟轉型的重要部分，只懂利用廉價勞工賺錢的年代已經過去了，不懂轉型提升競爭力的企業注定將被淘汰。
香港是已發展經濟體，理應對內地的升級轉型作出貢獻，內地港商應做的是盡早配合政策，利用香港已發展地區的制度優勢，提升生產力，升級換代，而不是每當遇上困難時，就想起依仗自身的政治特權，向領導人「攞着數」。
至於香港本地，雙普選已有時間表，目前保護工商界利益的傳統功能組別選舉模式，到2020 年肯定不會再存在。香港民主化的歷史潮流已經向前滾動，政制不可能停留不動。工商界要做的，應該是配合轉變，憑藉自己的努力，參與選舉，藉着公平公正的競爭，贏得權力，才可以在議會有代言人，保障自己的利益。如果仍然戀棧特權，期望中央照顧，只會心勞日絀，徒勞無功。
Glossary
monopoly
a company that has complete control of theproduct or service it provides.
overridebe more important than.
look for hope for.
Yuan will gain currency
YESTERDAY the People's Bank of China andBank of China (Hong Kong) Limited signed arevised Settlement Agreement on the Clearingof Renminbi Businesses. That began a new chapter.Yuan services will be more widely used and moreyuan yuan--denominated financial products will be availableto investors in the territory. That is also a crucial step inturning Hong Kong into an offshore yuan centre.
The revision of the Settlement Agreementrepresents a major breakthrough. Under the revisedagreement, all businesses may hold yuan accounts inthe SAR. There are no restrictions on the amount ofyuan a business may buy. Yuan may be transferredfrom an account with one bank into one with anotherand from a company's account into a person's.
More yuan services will become available in HongKong because the central government has decidedthat experiments should be carried out in the territoryin making the yuan freely convertible and turning it intoan international currency. What Hong Kong needs todo is to help implement this policy. As China attachesparamount importance to financial security, citizensmay think yuan services are introduced here at a slowpace. However, if one reviews what has happenedover the past few years, one may see the marks theyuan has left in "going out" step by step via Hong Kong.
A Hong Kong citizen may exchange his HongKong dollars for 20,000 yuan a day at most. In July lastyear, the mainland allowed the use of the yuan tosettle cross cross--boarder trade with Hong Kong. The totalyuan trade settlement via Hong Kong reached 23.6billion yuan. Though the amount is not very high, ittrends upward. For example, Peter Wong, CEO of theHong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation Ltd,Asia Asia--Pacific, expects the total to accumulate to nearly100 billion yuan towards the end of this year and reachseveral trillion yuan in the next five years. Moreover,last month the central government increased thenumber of provinces allowed to use the yuan to settletrade to twenty. Eventually, all mainland businessesmay use the yuan to settle trade with all places. Thereare indications that the yuan will gradually gaincurrency outside the mainland. If Hong Kong improvesits infrastructure, makes proper arrangements forsettlement and clearance and effectively solvesproblems that may arise, experience related to theyuan's free convertibility will grow, and it will have suchstrength as to become irreplaceable as an offshoreyuan centre. The process may be protracted protracted..
However, when such efforts bear fruit, Hong Kong willhave a place in the global financial setup.
The yuan is gradually moving towards fullconvertibility, and Hong Kong has a part in theprocess. The SAR government should be aware that itwill inevitably become an international currency. It thusfollows that it should consider how Hong Kong can relyon its advantageous status to benefit from the yuan'sappreciation. As of the end of last May, the ExchangeFund amounted to about HK $2.2 trillion, includingUS $145.7 billion in US Treasuries. Becaus of t the helinked exchange rate system, Hong Kong has to holdUS Treasuries. However, it seems odd that, thoughHong Kong has much closer ties with the mainland,there are no yuan yuan--denominated assets in the portfolioof the Exchange Fund.
Ordinary citizens are keen on exchanging theirHong Kong dollars for yuan in the hope of profitingfrom its appreciation, and they look forward to earningbetter returns with yuan yuan--denominated financialproducts. Clearly, it is time the SAR government(which is in a favourable position) put includingyuan yuan--denominated assets in the portfolio of theExchange Fund on the agenda.
明報社評2010.07.20
人民幣與港人生活愈來愈接近
中國銀行（香港）有限公司與中國人民銀行昨日簽署修訂《清算協議》，為人民幣業務在港愈趨普遍，揭開新一頁，不但將有更多人民幣產品讓市民投資，就促使本港發展成為人民幣離岸中心，也跨出重要一步。
修訂後的《清算協議》，有一個重大突破，就是不限行業，所有企業都可以在港開設人民幣戶口，兌換人民幣也不設上限；人民幣戶口可以實現跨行轉帳，企業戶口也可以轉帳至個人戶口。
中國的資本帳市場仍未開放，本港人民幣業務範疇漸次增加，乃國家所定下人民幣自由兌換、成為國際貨幣進程的試點，本港要做的是配合政策。基於中國首要考慮金融安全，人民幣業務在港開展步伐，以港人的角度，無疑覺得較緩慢，但是回顧過去數年曆程，可以看到人民幣借助香港，一步一腳印走出去的足跡。
除了每日兌換上限22 萬元，去年77 月，本港獲准進行跨境人民幣貿易結算，至今年66 月，結算總額達236 億元人民幣，數字雖然不算多，但是處於上升趨勢，例如匯豐亞太區行政總裁王冬勝預期，今年底前經香港進行的貿易結算金額，可累積至近千億元，未來55 年或增至數萬億元人民幣。另外，中央于去月已批准把跨境人民幣結算境內試點，擴大至20 個省份，境外試點亦會擴至所有國家，情況顯示人民幣在境外的流量會逐步增加， 如果本港在有關基建、交收、結算計價等各個範疇安排及操作得當，並改善過程中衍生出來的問題，不但可以為人民幣自由兌換累積經驗，也可以為本港成為人民幣離岸中心逐步建立不可取代的地位。過程雖然漫長，但是到開花結果之日，香港在全球金融整體格局中，就有一席之地。
人民幣逐步邁向自由兌換，本港參與其事，特區政府對於人民幣必然成為國際貨幣，應該有所領會，然則，本港如何利用地位優勢，在人民幣升值中得到利益，是政府應該考慮的方向。例如截至55 月底，本港外匯基金總額約2.2 萬億港元，其中美元國債資產占1457 億美元，基於聯繫匯率，本港有必要買美債，但是與本港各方面關係更重要的中國大陸，外匯基金的組合中，卻缺少人民幣計價的資產，使人感到有點奇怪。
當市民都知道把港元轉為人民幣存款，收升值之利，或等待人民幣投資產品，以賺取更大回報之時，近水樓台的特區政府把人民幣資產納入為外匯基金組合，看來應該引入議事日程了。
Glossary
paramount //''ppaarr ???ma ʊʊnt/ nt/supreme, requiring first consideration.
protracted /pr ??''tr traakt ktIId/ d/lasting longer than expected.
have a part inbe involved in.
The revision of the Settlement Agreementrepresents a major breakthrough. Under the revisedagreement, all businesses may hold yuan accounts inthe SAR. There are no restrictions on the amount ofyuan a business may buy. Yuan may be transferredfrom an account with one bank into one with anotherand from a company's account into a person's.
More yuan services will become available in HongKong because the central government has decidedthat experiments should be carried out in the territoryin making the yuan freely convertible and turning it intoan international currency. What Hong Kong needs todo is to help implement this policy. As China attachesparamount importance to financial security, citizensmay think yuan services are introduced here at a slowpace. However, if one reviews what has happenedover the past few years, one may see the marks theyuan has left in "going out" step by step via Hong Kong.
A Hong Kong citizen may exchange his HongKong dollars for 20,000 yuan a day at most. In July lastyear, the mainland allowed the use of the yuan tosettle cross cross--boarder trade with Hong Kong. The totalyuan trade settlement via Hong Kong reached 23.6billion yuan. Though the amount is not very high, ittrends upward. For example, Peter Wong, CEO of theHong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation Ltd,Asia Asia--Pacific, expects the total to accumulate to nearly100 billion yuan towards the end of this year and reachseveral trillion yuan in the next five years. Moreover,last month the central government increased thenumber of provinces allowed to use the yuan to settletrade to twenty. Eventually, all mainland businessesmay use the yuan to settle trade with all places. Thereare indications that the yuan will gradually gaincurrency outside the mainland. If Hong Kong improvesits infrastructure, makes proper arrangements forsettlement and clearance and effectively solvesproblems that may arise, experience related to theyuan's free convertibility will grow, and it will have suchstrength as to become irreplaceable as an offshoreyuan centre. The process may be protracted protracted..
However, when such efforts bear fruit, Hong Kong willhave a place in the global financial setup.
The yuan is gradually moving towards fullconvertibility, and Hong Kong has a part in theprocess. The SAR government should be aware that itwill inevitably become an international currency. It thusfollows that it should consider how Hong Kong can relyon its advantageous status to benefit from the yuan'sappreciation. As of the end of last May, the ExchangeFund amounted to about HK $2.2 trillion, includingUS $145.7 billion in US Treasuries. Becaus of t the helinked exchange rate system, Hong Kong has to holdUS Treasuries. However, it seems odd that, thoughHong Kong has much closer ties with the mainland,there are no yuan yuan--denominated assets in the portfolioof the Exchange Fund.
Ordinary citizens are keen on exchanging theirHong Kong dollars for yuan in the hope of profitingfrom its appreciation, and they look forward to earningbetter returns with yuan yuan--denominated financialproducts. Clearly, it is time the SAR government(which is in a favourable position) put includingyuan yuan--denominated assets in the portfolio of theExchange Fund on the agenda.
明報社評2010.07.20
人民幣與港人生活愈來愈接近
中國銀行（香港）有限公司與中國人民銀行昨日簽署修訂《清算協議》，為人民幣業務在港愈趨普遍，揭開新一頁，不但將有更多人民幣產品讓市民投資，就促使本港發展成為人民幣離岸中心，也跨出重要一步。
修訂後的《清算協議》，有一個重大突破，就是不限行業，所有企業都可以在港開設人民幣戶口，兌換人民幣也不設上限；人民幣戶口可以實現跨行轉帳，企業戶口也可以轉帳至個人戶口。
中國的資本帳市場仍未開放，本港人民幣業務範疇漸次增加，乃國家所定下人民幣自由兌換、成為國際貨幣進程的試點，本港要做的是配合政策。基於中國首要考慮金融安全，人民幣業務在港開展步伐，以港人的角度，無疑覺得較緩慢，但是回顧過去數年曆程，可以看到人民幣借助香港，一步一腳印走出去的足跡。
除了每日兌換上限22 萬元，去年77 月，本港獲准進行跨境人民幣貿易結算，至今年66 月，結算總額達236 億元人民幣，數字雖然不算多，但是處於上升趨勢，例如匯豐亞太區行政總裁王冬勝預期，今年底前經香港進行的貿易結算金額，可累積至近千億元，未來55 年或增至數萬億元人民幣。另外，中央于去月已批准把跨境人民幣結算境內試點，擴大至20 個省份，境外試點亦會擴至所有國家，情況顯示人民幣在境外的流量會逐步增加， 如果本港在有關基建、交收、結算計價等各個範疇安排及操作得當，並改善過程中衍生出來的問題，不但可以為人民幣自由兌換累積經驗，也可以為本港成為人民幣離岸中心逐步建立不可取代的地位。過程雖然漫長，但是到開花結果之日，香港在全球金融整體格局中，就有一席之地。
人民幣逐步邁向自由兌換，本港參與其事，特區政府對於人民幣必然成為國際貨幣，應該有所領會，然則，本港如何利用地位優勢，在人民幣升值中得到利益，是政府應該考慮的方向。例如截至55 月底，本港外匯基金總額約2.2 萬億港元，其中美元國債資產占1457 億美元，基於聯繫匯率，本港有必要買美債，但是與本港各方面關係更重要的中國大陸，外匯基金的組合中，卻缺少人民幣計價的資產，使人感到有點奇怪。
當市民都知道把港元轉為人民幣存款，收升值之利，或等待人民幣投資產品，以賺取更大回報之時，近水樓台的特區政府把人民幣資產納入為外匯基金組合，看來應該引入議事日程了。
Glossary
paramount //''ppaarr ???ma ʊʊnt/ nt/supreme, requiring first consideration.
protracted /pr ??''tr traakt ktIId/ d/lasting longer than expected.
have a part inbe involved in.
2010年7月19日星期一
Populist government
TO get citizens' votes, populist politicians often try to endear themselves to them at the expense of the taxpayer. Government official sused to disapprove of such behaviour. However, after the Housing Authority had decided to raise publichousing rent under the new rent adjustmentmechanism (under which rent may go up or comedown), the government suggested on its own initiativeto its subsidised housing committee that a month's rentbe waived in the next two years to offset the rise. The political atmosphere being as it is, can the committee not dance to the government's baton? In our view, themove would virtually make the mechanism exist inname only. The government will fuel populism if it uses public resources to curry favour with public housingtenants. What social policy will Chief Executive (CE)Donald Tsang pursue in the two-year remainder of his term? Where he intends to lead Hong Kong? These are indeed matters of concern.
A Census and Statistics Department survey showsthe average income of public housing tenants hasincreased. Even if it wants to be kind, the governmentonly needs to help those who need help. It need not doanything that would benefit also those who can affordreasonable rent. In fact, the Housing Authorityoperates a rent assistance scheme designed to helptenants having difficulty paying their rent. Eligibleapplicants may get their rent cut. Such cuts mayamount to 50%. Tenants who cannot possibly pay anyrent may apply for CSSA. CSSA recipients' rent is paidwith money from the public purse.
The government should provide people who needits help to get shelter with subsidised public housing. Ithas a duty to do so. However, in providing them withthis benefit, a line must be drawn. The cardinalprinciple the government must uphold in pursuing itshousing policy is to help those who need help. It hasnow offered public housing tenants "sweets" though nopolitical party has demanded that it do so. It does nothesitate to render the new rent adjustment mechanismvirtually non-existent. It is worth observing what theTsang administration is up to.
To achieve their political objectives, politicalparties seek to advance public housing tenants'interests. Populism has gained ground. It is a commonoccurrence that they do so by hook or by crook. Thegovernment should go to great lengths to resist thepressure political parties put on it so that society'sscarce resources are properly employed. If thegovernment resorts to populism, political parties will beleft too far behind to catch up with it, for it has thepower to allocate resources. None can rival thegovernment in using public resources to pleasecitizens and buy their support. The problem is thatpopulist government is certainly not in Hong Kong'sbest interests.
The SAR government is quite unpopular. In asurvey the Public Opinion Programme at the Universityof Hong Kong has carried out after the passage of the2012 constitutional reform package, Donald Tsang'sapproval rating is 49.9. He has "failed" for five times ina row. The percentage of people who do not want himto be CE has reached 52% , an all-time high. Thisbeing the case, little wonder the Tsang administrationwould try every possible way to boost its popularity.
Unlike him, Donald Tsang commented on therich-poor gap the other day during Legislative Councilquestion time. He said the government would focus onimproving citizens' wellbeing in the time to come. Hespecifically mentioned it would seek to alleviateworking poverty. The Tsang administration mustindeed make serious efforts to help the needy andeliminate deep-rooted contradictions. Should it wincitizens' support by pursuing good policies or usepublic resources to buy their votes? We do not thinkwe need to elaborate on this point. We hope thegovernment will retract its suggestion that publichousing tenants be offered a rent waiver. We hopegovernment will again be sensible instead of slidingdown the populist slippery slope.
明報英語網「雙語社評」english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
政府加入民粹行列，以公共資源討好公屋居民？
明報社評2010.07.16
過去，政府官員對民粹當道、政客政黨為了攏絡選民，爭取選票而慷納稅人之慨的所作所為，不以為然，但是公屋按可加可減機制加租後，政府卻主動向房委會資助房屋小組建議，兩年內豁免公屋住戶一個月租金，以抵消加租的影響。以目前的政治氛圍，小組委員能不聽從政府的指揮棒行事？我們認為，這個做法，使公屋租金調整機制名存實亡，而政府加入以公共資源討好公屋居民的行列，會給民粹政治火上加油；行政長官曾蔭權在餘下約兩年任期，他要施行怎樣的社會政策？他要帶領香港走往一個怎樣的方向？值得密切關注。
據統計處所做的公屋住戶入息調查，確實顯示公屋居民的收入普遍有所增加，即使政府發善心，只需協助有需要的居民就可以了，毋須一刀切讓有能力負擔的居民也受惠。其實，據現行安排，房委會有租金援助機制，協助無能力負擔租金的居民，符合資格準則的住戶，最多可獲減租50%；如果住戶根本無能力交租，則可以申請綜援，由公帑全部負擔。
對於有需要政府協助安居的市民，政府有必要給予公屋照顧，也是政府的責任所在。公屋居民享受的資助，應該有一條界線，而「協助有需要的人」是公屋政策的最重要原則。政客政黨並無任何訴求下，政府主動給公屋居民派糖，不惜變相毁棄可加可減機制，曾蔭權政府在思量些什麼，值得觀察。
政客政黨基於政治目的，為公屋居民爭取利益，做法近乎為達目的，不擇手段，使得民粹抬頭，近年已是司空見慣，政府千方百計頂着政客政黨的壓力，以期有限的資源得到最適當運用。若政府加入民粹操作行列，政客政黨肯定望塵莫及，因為政府擁有調配資源的權力，用公共資源討好市民、收買人心，沒有人可與政府抗衡。問題是，一個施政民粹化的政府，肯定不符合香港的最大利益。
特區政府民望低迷，據最新港大民調顯示，曾蔭權在政改方案通過後，民望最新評分為49.9 分，是連續第5次「肥佬」，反對他出任特首的比率亦見歷史新高，達52%。在這種情况下，曾蔭權政府千方百計提升民望，完全可以理解。
日前曾蔭權在立法會答問大會罕有地主動談到貧富差距，明言未來一段時間，施政重點在改善民生，並具體提出要援助在職貧窮。幫助有需要的人，紓緩深層次矛盾，確實是曾蔭權政府要認真面對和處理的，但是以良好政策爭取市民支持，抑或以公共資源變相向市民「買票」，哪一個才是曾蔭權政府所應為，相信毋須我們多言。因此，我們希望，政府撤回免公屋住戶租金一個月的建議，讓施政回歸理性，而非向民粹的歧途滑下去。
Glossarycurry /'k ?rI/ favour withIf you curry favour with a person, you try to gethim to like or support you by helping him a lotor praising him.by hook or by crookby fair means or foul; using any method youcan, even a dishonest one.governmentthe act or manner of governing.
A Census and Statistics Department survey showsthe average income of public housing tenants hasincreased. Even if it wants to be kind, the governmentonly needs to help those who need help. It need not doanything that would benefit also those who can affordreasonable rent. In fact, the Housing Authorityoperates a rent assistance scheme designed to helptenants having difficulty paying their rent. Eligibleapplicants may get their rent cut. Such cuts mayamount to 50%. Tenants who cannot possibly pay anyrent may apply for CSSA. CSSA recipients' rent is paidwith money from the public purse.
The government should provide people who needits help to get shelter with subsidised public housing. Ithas a duty to do so. However, in providing them withthis benefit, a line must be drawn. The cardinalprinciple the government must uphold in pursuing itshousing policy is to help those who need help. It hasnow offered public housing tenants "sweets" though nopolitical party has demanded that it do so. It does nothesitate to render the new rent adjustment mechanismvirtually non-existent. It is worth observing what theTsang administration is up to.
To achieve their political objectives, politicalparties seek to advance public housing tenants'interests. Populism has gained ground. It is a commonoccurrence that they do so by hook or by crook. Thegovernment should go to great lengths to resist thepressure political parties put on it so that society'sscarce resources are properly employed. If thegovernment resorts to populism, political parties will beleft too far behind to catch up with it, for it has thepower to allocate resources. None can rival thegovernment in using public resources to pleasecitizens and buy their support. The problem is thatpopulist government is certainly not in Hong Kong'sbest interests.
The SAR government is quite unpopular. In asurvey the Public Opinion Programme at the Universityof Hong Kong has carried out after the passage of the2012 constitutional reform package, Donald Tsang'sapproval rating is 49.9. He has "failed" for five times ina row. The percentage of people who do not want himto be CE has reached 52% , an all-time high. Thisbeing the case, little wonder the Tsang administrationwould try every possible way to boost its popularity.
Unlike him, Donald Tsang commented on therich-poor gap the other day during Legislative Councilquestion time. He said the government would focus onimproving citizens' wellbeing in the time to come. Hespecifically mentioned it would seek to alleviateworking poverty. The Tsang administration mustindeed make serious efforts to help the needy andeliminate deep-rooted contradictions. Should it wincitizens' support by pursuing good policies or usepublic resources to buy their votes? We do not thinkwe need to elaborate on this point. We hope thegovernment will retract its suggestion that publichousing tenants be offered a rent waiver. We hopegovernment will again be sensible instead of slidingdown the populist slippery slope.
明報英語網「雙語社評」english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
政府加入民粹行列，以公共資源討好公屋居民？
明報社評2010.07.16
過去，政府官員對民粹當道、政客政黨為了攏絡選民，爭取選票而慷納稅人之慨的所作所為，不以為然，但是公屋按可加可減機制加租後，政府卻主動向房委會資助房屋小組建議，兩年內豁免公屋住戶一個月租金，以抵消加租的影響。以目前的政治氛圍，小組委員能不聽從政府的指揮棒行事？我們認為，這個做法，使公屋租金調整機制名存實亡，而政府加入以公共資源討好公屋居民的行列，會給民粹政治火上加油；行政長官曾蔭權在餘下約兩年任期，他要施行怎樣的社會政策？他要帶領香港走往一個怎樣的方向？值得密切關注。
據統計處所做的公屋住戶入息調查，確實顯示公屋居民的收入普遍有所增加，即使政府發善心，只需協助有需要的居民就可以了，毋須一刀切讓有能力負擔的居民也受惠。其實，據現行安排，房委會有租金援助機制，協助無能力負擔租金的居民，符合資格準則的住戶，最多可獲減租50%；如果住戶根本無能力交租，則可以申請綜援，由公帑全部負擔。
對於有需要政府協助安居的市民，政府有必要給予公屋照顧，也是政府的責任所在。公屋居民享受的資助，應該有一條界線，而「協助有需要的人」是公屋政策的最重要原則。政客政黨並無任何訴求下，政府主動給公屋居民派糖，不惜變相毁棄可加可減機制，曾蔭權政府在思量些什麼，值得觀察。
政客政黨基於政治目的，為公屋居民爭取利益，做法近乎為達目的，不擇手段，使得民粹抬頭，近年已是司空見慣，政府千方百計頂着政客政黨的壓力，以期有限的資源得到最適當運用。若政府加入民粹操作行列，政客政黨肯定望塵莫及，因為政府擁有調配資源的權力，用公共資源討好市民、收買人心，沒有人可與政府抗衡。問題是，一個施政民粹化的政府，肯定不符合香港的最大利益。
特區政府民望低迷，據最新港大民調顯示，曾蔭權在政改方案通過後，民望最新評分為49.9 分，是連續第5次「肥佬」，反對他出任特首的比率亦見歷史新高，達52%。在這種情况下，曾蔭權政府千方百計提升民望，完全可以理解。
日前曾蔭權在立法會答問大會罕有地主動談到貧富差距，明言未來一段時間，施政重點在改善民生，並具體提出要援助在職貧窮。幫助有需要的人，紓緩深層次矛盾，確實是曾蔭權政府要認真面對和處理的，但是以良好政策爭取市民支持，抑或以公共資源變相向市民「買票」，哪一個才是曾蔭權政府所應為，相信毋須我們多言。因此，我們希望，政府撤回免公屋住戶租金一個月的建議，讓施政回歸理性，而非向民粹的歧途滑下去。
Glossarycurry /'k ?rI/ favour withIf you curry favour with a person, you try to gethim to like or support you by helping him a lotor praising him.by hook or by crookby fair means or foul; using any method youcan, even a dishonest one.governmentthe act or manner of governing.
2010年7月18日星期日
Admit it, we can hear their roar
Agricultural Bank of China struggled to stay above its offered price on its first day of trading in A shares.
The debut was weak, but not bad in light of the loss in the Shanghai composite index on the back of lower-than- expected economic data released by the central government.
How will the H share debut in Hong Kong go today? Fingers are crossed.
Figures released yesterday by the National Bureau of Statistics confirmed that China's economic growth is decelerating. As I've said before, a slower pace is expected as Beijing quietly exits the market.
The data shows the mainland's economic expansion eased to 10.3 percent in the second quarter, from 11.9 percent in the first quarter. Industrial output rose 13.7 percent, but the market had expected better. Inflation fell to 2.9 percent in June from 3.1 percent in May.
All these figures point to an abating risk of overheating, and this is certainly what Beijing leaders are pleased to see after slapping on measures to cool the financial and property sectors. It also creates greater room for Premier Wen Jiabao to manage the balance between austerity and flexibility.
It may not bode well for Hong Kong, however, since economic growth in the SAR has a lot to do with what's happening in the mainland - similarly mirrored in the parallel movements between the Hang Seng Index and Shanghai's SSE Composite Index.
There's no question that China's economy is still on a safe and robust course. But it's time for Hong Kong to see what it can do on its own to stimulate the economy further as growth slackens across the border.
Officials on Lower Albert Road should look to Singapore's experience for inspiration. The Lion City of barely five million people has overtaken China as Asia's fastest-growing economy, after posting record growth exceeding 18 percent in the first six months.
This first-half growth was the fastest since records began in 1975, prompting the Singaporean government to revise upward its GDP for 2010 to 15 percent.
Why has it been possible for Singapore to achieve such remarkable results without the backing of any economic giant? Once again, the manufacturing sector has been the backbone, with particular outstanding performance in the biomedical field.
Its tourism sector is also booming. Since casinos opened on Sentosa Island, tourists have been arriving in record numbers, while financial companies keep hiring people.
Only the naive would disagree that Hong Kong should draw reference to Singapore for ideas, on the grounds that it's too small a state to be of relevance. On the contrary, Singapore has demonstrated a high degree of innovation as well as self-reliance.
Meanwhile, what has happened to Hong Kong over all these years? Many opportunities have slipped through as a result of protracted political bickering.
Will the passage of the 2012 electoral reform package help to repave the political landscape so that policy making can be more effective? Let's hope so.
The debut was weak, but not bad in light of the loss in the Shanghai composite index on the back of lower-than- expected economic data released by the central government.
How will the H share debut in Hong Kong go today? Fingers are crossed.
Figures released yesterday by the National Bureau of Statistics confirmed that China's economic growth is decelerating. As I've said before, a slower pace is expected as Beijing quietly exits the market.
The data shows the mainland's economic expansion eased to 10.3 percent in the second quarter, from 11.9 percent in the first quarter. Industrial output rose 13.7 percent, but the market had expected better. Inflation fell to 2.9 percent in June from 3.1 percent in May.
All these figures point to an abating risk of overheating, and this is certainly what Beijing leaders are pleased to see after slapping on measures to cool the financial and property sectors. It also creates greater room for Premier Wen Jiabao to manage the balance between austerity and flexibility.
It may not bode well for Hong Kong, however, since economic growth in the SAR has a lot to do with what's happening in the mainland - similarly mirrored in the parallel movements between the Hang Seng Index and Shanghai's SSE Composite Index.
There's no question that China's economy is still on a safe and robust course. But it's time for Hong Kong to see what it can do on its own to stimulate the economy further as growth slackens across the border.
Officials on Lower Albert Road should look to Singapore's experience for inspiration. The Lion City of barely five million people has overtaken China as Asia's fastest-growing economy, after posting record growth exceeding 18 percent in the first six months.
This first-half growth was the fastest since records began in 1975, prompting the Singaporean government to revise upward its GDP for 2010 to 15 percent.
Why has it been possible for Singapore to achieve such remarkable results without the backing of any economic giant? Once again, the manufacturing sector has been the backbone, with particular outstanding performance in the biomedical field.
Its tourism sector is also booming. Since casinos opened on Sentosa Island, tourists have been arriving in record numbers, while financial companies keep hiring people.
Only the naive would disagree that Hong Kong should draw reference to Singapore for ideas, on the grounds that it's too small a state to be of relevance. On the contrary, Singapore has demonstrated a high degree of innovation as well as self-reliance.
Meanwhile, what has happened to Hong Kong over all these years? Many opportunities have slipped through as a result of protracted political bickering.
Will the passage of the 2012 electoral reform package help to repave the political landscape so that policy making can be more effective? Let's hope so.
Octopus excuse has no leg to stand on
Hong Kong people surely lead in using smart cards. The Octopus card has become so popular it has become an essential part of life here.
But it is also exactly because of the card's wide use that the issuing company should be held to the highest standards in protecting cardholders' personal data.
In the business world, a client database is valuable and can be sold for a handsome sum. As a private company in nature, Octopus Holdings may be tempted to explore all possible ways to increase revenues. Also, the market has speculated that Octopus, given its profitability, is a candidate for stock listing.
If not for the scandal developing around the company's sale of a large quantity of personal data to at least one business partner, I think SAR people would be proud of the product's success.
There are similar smart cards elsewhere, such as the Oyster card in London, and Transcard, commonly called Shenzhen Tong, in the mainland.
However, Octopus is by far more developed than others in applications. It's no longer limited to transportation, but is increasingly used in shopping as a friendly alternative to cash. In recent years, it has also served as an entry pass for buildings. As the scope of application widens, so does the range of personal information stored.
The Octopus Rewards - a redeem reward scheme run by a subsidiary - is a glaring example.
Compulsory fields in the registration form include gender, English name, Octopus card number, Hong Kong identity number, birth date, e-mail address, phone number, and the street and district of the holder's home address. I would say that's a lot of details.
As Octopus chief executive Prudence Chan Pik-wah disclosed earlier, some 2.4 million cardholders have provided such information to register for the rewards scheme. It was on the same occasion that Chan sought to assure her firm wouldn't divulge customers' data to third parties.
Throughout the media session, Chan and other company staff were evasive as to whether it had already sold holders' personal data to business partners. So it was most unfortunate to hear yesterday that it had in fact sold a large amount of the data to an insurance firm participating in the rewards scheme.
Why was Octopus evasive in the first place? Why couldn't Chan be frank rather than going to great lengths to assure cardholders that their personal data were in safe hands? There is a host of questions begging answers.
Clearly, it's a bad example of crisis management to wait until the truth is uncovered by investigative reporters.
There is the old saying that it's impossible to wrap fire in paper. It's merely wishful thinking to believe otherwise.
Could the situation have been different if Octopus admitted selling the data in the first place, and told the public the situation had been remedied since then?
It will be best for Octopus to diffuse the saga by telling the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth.
But it is also exactly because of the card's wide use that the issuing company should be held to the highest standards in protecting cardholders' personal data.
In the business world, a client database is valuable and can be sold for a handsome sum. As a private company in nature, Octopus Holdings may be tempted to explore all possible ways to increase revenues. Also, the market has speculated that Octopus, given its profitability, is a candidate for stock listing.
If not for the scandal developing around the company's sale of a large quantity of personal data to at least one business partner, I think SAR people would be proud of the product's success.
There are similar smart cards elsewhere, such as the Oyster card in London, and Transcard, commonly called Shenzhen Tong, in the mainland.
However, Octopus is by far more developed than others in applications. It's no longer limited to transportation, but is increasingly used in shopping as a friendly alternative to cash. In recent years, it has also served as an entry pass for buildings. As the scope of application widens, so does the range of personal information stored.
The Octopus Rewards - a redeem reward scheme run by a subsidiary - is a glaring example.
Compulsory fields in the registration form include gender, English name, Octopus card number, Hong Kong identity number, birth date, e-mail address, phone number, and the street and district of the holder's home address. I would say that's a lot of details.
As Octopus chief executive Prudence Chan Pik-wah disclosed earlier, some 2.4 million cardholders have provided such information to register for the rewards scheme. It was on the same occasion that Chan sought to assure her firm wouldn't divulge customers' data to third parties.
Throughout the media session, Chan and other company staff were evasive as to whether it had already sold holders' personal data to business partners. So it was most unfortunate to hear yesterday that it had in fact sold a large amount of the data to an insurance firm participating in the rewards scheme.
Why was Octopus evasive in the first place? Why couldn't Chan be frank rather than going to great lengths to assure cardholders that their personal data were in safe hands? There is a host of questions begging answers.
Clearly, it's a bad example of crisis management to wait until the truth is uncovered by investigative reporters.
There is the old saying that it's impossible to wrap fire in paper. It's merely wishful thinking to believe otherwise.
Could the situation have been different if Octopus admitted selling the data in the first place, and told the public the situation had been remedied since then?
It will be best for Octopus to diffuse the saga by telling the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth.
2010年7月16日星期五
Old--age poverty
THE other day, when it was scorching, an 81--year year--old driver passed out in his minibus after he had turned its engine off. He died consequently. That has prompted the government tobudge. Drivers would be exempt from the ban on idlingengines when the very hot weather warning is in force.However, our reporters' in in--depth investigation shows elderly drivers' health check check--up reports may not beaccurate. It is a concern how fit they actually are. Many old people work on the road for a living. From this it isclear that many old people must struggle for their livelihood rather than spend their remaining years inease.
There are about 60,000 active minibus or taxidrivers in Hong Kong. Transport Department figuresshow about 7,500 (12%) of them are over 70. In otherwords, one out of eight minibus or taxi drivers is a septuagenarian. To make sure that drivers who are above 70 are fitto drive and would pose no danger to their customersor pedestrians, the Transport Department enforces thelong long--standing rule that elderly people's driving licences are valid for one to three years instead of ten.
Furthermore, an elderly driver must submit a healthcheck check--up report prepared by a doctor when he has hislicence renewed. Our reporters' investigation hasrevealed that the doctor has to answer twenty twenty--five"true or false" questions. He is not required to do any"scientific tests" on the driver. To answer thosequestions, he only needs to talk to the driver. He neednot even take his blood pressure. Such a casual reportmay not accurately describe an elderly minibus or taxidriver's physical fitness.
The Transport Department should do random
checks. To ensure that health check check--up reports areaccurate, it should require some elderly drivers whohave submitted their health check check--up reports to bere re--examined by government doctors. This measurewould help persuade elderly drivers and their doctorsto be serious about their health check check--up reports.Some in the trade believe driving a minibus or taxiis too strenuous to be suitable for the elderly. They saythe authorities should set an age limit. For example, aminibus or taxi driver's licence should not be renewedif he is above 70.
Septuagenarians who still work as minibus or taxidrivers each have their stories. Some may do so to killtime. Conceivably, most do so for a living. Though theyare old, they cannot retire and still have to earn theirkeep on the road, which is considered as dangerousas the tiger's mouth.
Between June and August the year before last,the Census and Statistics Department surveyed about10,000 households in the territory to find out elderlypeople's financial and family characteristics. Thedepartment estimated that as many as 630,000 seniorcitizens not living in homes for the elderly each hadless than $50,000, not including the flats in which theylived. They accounted for 56% of Hong Kong's elderlypopulation.
An elderly person who has $50,000 may be betteroff than many. However, prices being at their levels,how long will $50,000 last him? That is why more andmore old people have to pick odds and ends fromrefuse heaps to make a few dollars. Compared withthem, those who have practical skills or can earn theirliving driving a minibus or taxi are perhaps of a "highclass".
Conceivably, when the minimum wage legislationis in force, more employers will replace their oldemployees with younger ones. Population ageing willpeak in ten years. If the problem of old old--age povertyremains largely unchanged, many old people will live inaa pitiable state. The fact that many elderly peoplehave to earn their keep by driving vehicles has much todo with safety. However, that is only the tip of theiceberg. The government must make long long--term plansfor dealing with problems arising from old old--age poverty.
年老司機虎口營生 貧窮問題冰山一角
2010.07.13明報社評
一名81 歲長者小巴司機，日前酷熱之下，在停車熄匙的小巴內暈倒，不治死亡，此事促使政府讓步，在酷熱天氣豁免熄匙，不過， 記者深入採訪發現，年老職業司機的體檢報告存在漏洞，他們的真實健康情况使人關注；另外，大批年邁司機在馬路謀生，說明許多長者仍要為生活打拼，未能閒適地頤養天年。
目前較活躍小巴的士司機約有66 萬人，據運輸署數字， 其中約有7,500 名為70 歲以上長者， 佔總數約12% 12%，即每，88 名小巴或的士司機，就有一人年逾70 歲。
為確保70 歲以上職業司機的健康，足以應付駕駛工作，不會危及乘客和途人安全，運輸署早把長者司機的駕駛執照期限，由10 年縮短為11 至33 年，並要求長者在續牌時，必須附交一份由醫生填寫的「體格檢驗報告」。但是記者調查發現，體檢報告有25 條是非題，未要求醫生必須「先進行科學檢查」才作答，僅靠醫生與體檢者口頭答問填寫，許多時候連基本的量血壓也欠奉。這樣「簡易」的體檢，不可能真確呈現長者職業司機的健康狀况。
運輸署應該引入突擊抽驗機制，要求部分出示體檢報告的長者司機，須接受官方覆檢，以確保所呈交報告並非胡亂填寫。這個做法可形成壓力，促使長者及醫生更嚴肅認真地填寫體檢報告。
也有業者認為，駕駛小巴或的士工作，太辛苦了，根本不適合長者，當局應該研究年齡限制（例如70 歲以上），就不再續發駕駛小巴或的士的牌照。
年逾70 的長者，仍然駕駛小巴或的士，各有不同故事，不能排除有人為了排遣時日，但是相信大多數仍然是為了生計。也就是說，長者到了這個年紀，仍然不能退休，在被認為如虎口的馬路為生活打拼。
統計處前年66 至88 月，抽查全港約11 萬個住戶，了解長者的經濟和家庭特徵。當時統計處估算，有多達63 萬非院舍長者的資產，不計算自住物業只有少於55 萬元，佔全港長者達56% 。
有55 萬元資產，還算較好的，但是以本港的物價水平， ，55 萬元可以支持多久？由此看來，愈來愈多長者在街頭撿拾破爛，賺取十元八塊。相對而言，有一技之長，能夠駕駛小巴或的士維生，可能已是較「高檔」的了。
最低工資實施之後，相信更多僱主會聘請較年輕者來取代長者；隨着人口老化高峰期約10 年後漸次到來，若本港長者貧窮問題基本不變，屆時許多長者的境况將更堪憐。所以，長者職業司機當道，除了安全問題外，對於政府而言，它只是暴露問題的冰山一角，政府需要長遠規劃，對應長者貧窮所衍生的諸多問題。
Glossaryeasethe state of feeling relaxed or comfortablewithout worries, problems or pain.septuagenarian //?septj ʊ? ʊ?dd ??II''ne ??rrII ??n/ n/a person from 70 to 79 years old.pitiable //''ppIIttII ??b( b(??)l/)deserving pity or causing you to feel pity.
There are about 60,000 active minibus or taxidrivers in Hong Kong. Transport Department figuresshow about 7,500 (12%) of them are over 70. In otherwords, one out of eight minibus or taxi drivers is a septuagenarian. To make sure that drivers who are above 70 are fitto drive and would pose no danger to their customersor pedestrians, the Transport Department enforces thelong long--standing rule that elderly people's driving licences are valid for one to three years instead of ten.
Furthermore, an elderly driver must submit a healthcheck check--up report prepared by a doctor when he has hislicence renewed. Our reporters' investigation hasrevealed that the doctor has to answer twenty twenty--five"true or false" questions. He is not required to do any"scientific tests" on the driver. To answer thosequestions, he only needs to talk to the driver. He neednot even take his blood pressure. Such a casual reportmay not accurately describe an elderly minibus or taxidriver's physical fitness.
The Transport Department should do random
checks. To ensure that health check check--up reports areaccurate, it should require some elderly drivers whohave submitted their health check check--up reports to bere re--examined by government doctors. This measurewould help persuade elderly drivers and their doctorsto be serious about their health check check--up reports.Some in the trade believe driving a minibus or taxiis too strenuous to be suitable for the elderly. They saythe authorities should set an age limit. For example, aminibus or taxi driver's licence should not be renewedif he is above 70.
Septuagenarians who still work as minibus or taxidrivers each have their stories. Some may do so to killtime. Conceivably, most do so for a living. Though theyare old, they cannot retire and still have to earn theirkeep on the road, which is considered as dangerousas the tiger's mouth.
Between June and August the year before last,the Census and Statistics Department surveyed about10,000 households in the territory to find out elderlypeople's financial and family characteristics. Thedepartment estimated that as many as 630,000 seniorcitizens not living in homes for the elderly each hadless than $50,000, not including the flats in which theylived. They accounted for 56% of Hong Kong's elderlypopulation.
An elderly person who has $50,000 may be betteroff than many. However, prices being at their levels,how long will $50,000 last him? That is why more andmore old people have to pick odds and ends fromrefuse heaps to make a few dollars. Compared withthem, those who have practical skills or can earn theirliving driving a minibus or taxi are perhaps of a "highclass".
Conceivably, when the minimum wage legislationis in force, more employers will replace their oldemployees with younger ones. Population ageing willpeak in ten years. If the problem of old old--age povertyremains largely unchanged, many old people will live inaa pitiable state. The fact that many elderly peoplehave to earn their keep by driving vehicles has much todo with safety. However, that is only the tip of theiceberg. The government must make long long--term plansfor dealing with problems arising from old old--age poverty.
年老司機虎口營生 貧窮問題冰山一角
2010.07.13明報社評
一名81 歲長者小巴司機，日前酷熱之下，在停車熄匙的小巴內暈倒，不治死亡，此事促使政府讓步，在酷熱天氣豁免熄匙，不過， 記者深入採訪發現，年老職業司機的體檢報告存在漏洞，他們的真實健康情况使人關注；另外，大批年邁司機在馬路謀生，說明許多長者仍要為生活打拼，未能閒適地頤養天年。
目前較活躍小巴的士司機約有66 萬人，據運輸署數字， 其中約有7,500 名為70 歲以上長者， 佔總數約12% 12%，即每，88 名小巴或的士司機，就有一人年逾70 歲。
為確保70 歲以上職業司機的健康，足以應付駕駛工作，不會危及乘客和途人安全，運輸署早把長者司機的駕駛執照期限，由10 年縮短為11 至33 年，並要求長者在續牌時，必須附交一份由醫生填寫的「體格檢驗報告」。但是記者調查發現，體檢報告有25 條是非題，未要求醫生必須「先進行科學檢查」才作答，僅靠醫生與體檢者口頭答問填寫，許多時候連基本的量血壓也欠奉。這樣「簡易」的體檢，不可能真確呈現長者職業司機的健康狀况。
運輸署應該引入突擊抽驗機制，要求部分出示體檢報告的長者司機，須接受官方覆檢，以確保所呈交報告並非胡亂填寫。這個做法可形成壓力，促使長者及醫生更嚴肅認真地填寫體檢報告。
也有業者認為，駕駛小巴或的士工作，太辛苦了，根本不適合長者，當局應該研究年齡限制（例如70 歲以上），就不再續發駕駛小巴或的士的牌照。
年逾70 的長者，仍然駕駛小巴或的士，各有不同故事，不能排除有人為了排遣時日，但是相信大多數仍然是為了生計。也就是說，長者到了這個年紀，仍然不能退休，在被認為如虎口的馬路為生活打拼。
統計處前年66 至88 月，抽查全港約11 萬個住戶，了解長者的經濟和家庭特徵。當時統計處估算，有多達63 萬非院舍長者的資產，不計算自住物業只有少於55 萬元，佔全港長者達56% 。
有55 萬元資產，還算較好的，但是以本港的物價水平， ，55 萬元可以支持多久？由此看來，愈來愈多長者在街頭撿拾破爛，賺取十元八塊。相對而言，有一技之長，能夠駕駛小巴或的士維生，可能已是較「高檔」的了。
最低工資實施之後，相信更多僱主會聘請較年輕者來取代長者；隨着人口老化高峰期約10 年後漸次到來，若本港長者貧窮問題基本不變，屆時許多長者的境况將更堪憐。所以，長者職業司機當道，除了安全問題外，對於政府而言，它只是暴露問題的冰山一角，政府需要長遠規劃，對應長者貧窮所衍生的諸多問題。
Glossaryeasethe state of feeling relaxed or comfortablewithout worries, problems or pain.septuagenarian //?septj ʊ? ʊ?dd ??II''ne ??rrII ??n/ n/a person from 70 to 79 years old.pitiable //''ppIIttII ??b( b(??)l/)deserving pity or causing you to feel pity.
Minimum wage law
TODAY the Legislative Council (Legco)debates the minimum wage bill. This is ofimmense significance to Hong Kong's socialevolution. As it is widely agreed that there should be astatutory minimum wage, the bill will doubtless go through Legco. However, it is only a framework. TheProvisional Minimum Wage Commission has yet to propose the first statutory minimum wage rate to Chief Executive (CE) Donald Tsang. As the rate would have much to do with employers' and employees' real interests, that is what capital and labour will wrestlewith each other about.
In determining the first statutory minimum wagerate, it is advisable to have regard both to capital'sinterests and to labour's. It should, for example, fallbetween $27 an hour and $30 an hour. The government should monitor its effects on the jobmarket and gradually adjust it in the light of actualdata.
Any policy may have both advantages and disadvantages. The "well well--intentioned" minimum wage legislation may have adverse effects. However, itwould have favourable effects - guarantee workersminimum incomes and encourage people to workinstead of relying on CSSA. Minimum wage law hasbeen in force in the US and some European countriesfor many years. It has not eliminated poverty, but noneof their economies have collapsed. Clearly, minimumwage law is neither a panacea nor a scourge scourge. What all. should try to do now is to ensure that Hong Kong's firststatutory minimum wage rate is reasonable andappropriate so that the minimum wage legislation'sadverse effects will be minimised and the ordinancewill help make Hong Kong more competitive by bringing into play employees' initiative and productivity.Now the minimum wage bill is about to be carried,the government ought to be aware of two things.
First, it ought to be aware that the legislationwould not help narrow the rich rich--poor gap. Livingstandards in Hong Kong are such that a worker will stillbe hard pressed even if he is paid no less than $33 anhour (about $7,000 a month) as unionists havesuggested. The government must not rely just on theminimum wage legislation to help people from lowersocial strata make ends meet. To do so, it must carryout a package of measures - provide them withlow low--rent public housing, free health care, subsidisededucation, fruit money and low low--income CSSA.
Second, it must be aware that, while the minimumpoverty poverty--stricken legislation will make things a little lessdifficult for poor workers, it will not help increaseemployment. The danger of it pushing upunemployment must not be ruled out. It is therefore thegovernment's top priority to create jobs. Donald Tsanghas proposed that Hong Kong should develop sixindustries where it has advantages. That is a goodthing. That is one of the few industrial policies thegovernment has adopted in recent years. However,two years has passed, but we have seen littleremarkable come of it. If the six industries are fullydeveloped, there will be many more jobs. The Tsangadministration must put greater effort into carrying outthat policy lest there should be more cry than wool.
After the 2012 constitutional reform package hadgone through Legco, Donald Tsang said that, as therow over constitutional arrangements was over, thegovernment would strive to develop the economy andimprove citizens' wellbeing. The Tsang administrationhas introduced the minimum wage bill. That is the firstpolicy step it has taken in the new stage. DonaldTsang is to deliver his last policy address but one nextOctober. Let us see whether he will strive to shine inhis job as he pledged when he ran for CE or resignhimself to being a lame duck until he leaves office inJuly 2012.
明報社評2010.07.14
最低工資並非萬應靈丹 解決深層矛盾須組合拳
立法會今日審議「最低工資條例草案」，此事對本港社會演變歷程極具意義。由於實施最低工資已在社會形成較廣泛共識，草案獲得通過，沒有什麼懸念；不過，通過的只是法例框架，首個最後工資水平，仍待「臨時最低工資委員會」向行政長官曾蔭權提交建議，工資多少？涉及勞方和資方實際利益，是勞資角力焦點。
法定最低工資水平宜勞資兼顧（例如時薪訂在27 至30 元之間），觀察會否對就業市場構成嚴重衝擊，再按實際數據逐步調節。
任何政策，有好的一面，也有壞的一面，最低工資立法除了可能出現「好心做壞事」，政策積極一面是讓工人獲得最起碼待遇，鼓勵就業，減少依賴綜援；綜觀歐美國家實行最低工資多年，雖然未能解決貧窮問題，但是他們的經濟並未因而崩潰。可見最低工資政策雖非萬應靈丹，也不是洪水猛獸。各方要爭取的，是首個最低工資水平應該以合理得當為原則，盡量減輕它對整體經濟的衝擊，也能夠調動打工仔的積極性，使他們的生產力發揮出來，強化本港的整體競爭力。
在法例即將通過之際，政府在兩方面要有正確認知。
第一、政府應該認知，最低工資不能解決貧富懸殊問題。就算按工會普遍主張時薪不少於33 元（即月薪約7000 元），以本港的生活水平，依然拮据。照顧低下層市民生活需要，不能單靠最低工資。必須配以廉租公屋、免費醫療、資助教育，以及生果金、低收入綜援等輔助措施，以「組合拳」方式，照顧低薪工人的家庭生活需要。
第二，政府應該認知， 最低工資可以稍為紓緩在職貧窮人士的困境，但是不會增加就業機會。相反，實施最低工資之後，推高失業率的風險，不能完全抹殺，所以，創造就業應該是政府的重點工作。曾蔭權提出推動的六大優勢產業，乃近年來特區政府鮮有的產業政策，本屬好事，只是至今已經兩年，仍未看到有什麼顯著成果。六項優勢產業若全面發展，可以創造不少職位，增加就業機會，曾蔭權政府應該大力推動，不應出現雷聲大、雨點小的局面。
2012 年政改方案通過之後，曾蔭權表示政制爭拗告一段落，政府會致力發展經濟、改善民生，最低工資立法是曾蔭權政府新階段施政方針的第一步，今年10 月曾蔭權提出他治港的倒數第二份施政報告時，且看他在2012年77 月離任之前，會甘於做跛腳鴨？抑或兌現他競選特首時「做好這份工」的承諾。
Glossary
capital
people who use their money to startbusinesses, considered as a group.
scourge /sk ??:d :??//a thing or person that causes trouble orsuffering.
shinebe very good (at something).
In determining the first statutory minimum wagerate, it is advisable to have regard both to capital'sinterests and to labour's. It should, for example, fallbetween $27 an hour and $30 an hour. The government should monitor its effects on the jobmarket and gradually adjust it in the light of actualdata.
Any policy may have both advantages and disadvantages. The "well well--intentioned" minimum wage legislation may have adverse effects. However, itwould have favourable effects - guarantee workersminimum incomes and encourage people to workinstead of relying on CSSA. Minimum wage law hasbeen in force in the US and some European countriesfor many years. It has not eliminated poverty, but noneof their economies have collapsed. Clearly, minimumwage law is neither a panacea nor a scourge scourge. What all. should try to do now is to ensure that Hong Kong's firststatutory minimum wage rate is reasonable andappropriate so that the minimum wage legislation'sadverse effects will be minimised and the ordinancewill help make Hong Kong more competitive by bringing into play employees' initiative and productivity.Now the minimum wage bill is about to be carried,the government ought to be aware of two things.
First, it ought to be aware that the legislationwould not help narrow the rich rich--poor gap. Livingstandards in Hong Kong are such that a worker will stillbe hard pressed even if he is paid no less than $33 anhour (about $7,000 a month) as unionists havesuggested. The government must not rely just on theminimum wage legislation to help people from lowersocial strata make ends meet. To do so, it must carryout a package of measures - provide them withlow low--rent public housing, free health care, subsidisededucation, fruit money and low low--income CSSA.
Second, it must be aware that, while the minimumpoverty poverty--stricken legislation will make things a little lessdifficult for poor workers, it will not help increaseemployment. The danger of it pushing upunemployment must not be ruled out. It is therefore thegovernment's top priority to create jobs. Donald Tsanghas proposed that Hong Kong should develop sixindustries where it has advantages. That is a goodthing. That is one of the few industrial policies thegovernment has adopted in recent years. However,two years has passed, but we have seen littleremarkable come of it. If the six industries are fullydeveloped, there will be many more jobs. The Tsangadministration must put greater effort into carrying outthat policy lest there should be more cry than wool.
After the 2012 constitutional reform package hadgone through Legco, Donald Tsang said that, as therow over constitutional arrangements was over, thegovernment would strive to develop the economy andimprove citizens' wellbeing. The Tsang administrationhas introduced the minimum wage bill. That is the firstpolicy step it has taken in the new stage. DonaldTsang is to deliver his last policy address but one nextOctober. Let us see whether he will strive to shine inhis job as he pledged when he ran for CE or resignhimself to being a lame duck until he leaves office inJuly 2012.
明報社評2010.07.14
最低工資並非萬應靈丹 解決深層矛盾須組合拳
立法會今日審議「最低工資條例草案」，此事對本港社會演變歷程極具意義。由於實施最低工資已在社會形成較廣泛共識，草案獲得通過，沒有什麼懸念；不過，通過的只是法例框架，首個最後工資水平，仍待「臨時最低工資委員會」向行政長官曾蔭權提交建議，工資多少？涉及勞方和資方實際利益，是勞資角力焦點。
法定最低工資水平宜勞資兼顧（例如時薪訂在27 至30 元之間），觀察會否對就業市場構成嚴重衝擊，再按實際數據逐步調節。
任何政策，有好的一面，也有壞的一面，最低工資立法除了可能出現「好心做壞事」，政策積極一面是讓工人獲得最起碼待遇，鼓勵就業，減少依賴綜援；綜觀歐美國家實行最低工資多年，雖然未能解決貧窮問題，但是他們的經濟並未因而崩潰。可見最低工資政策雖非萬應靈丹，也不是洪水猛獸。各方要爭取的，是首個最低工資水平應該以合理得當為原則，盡量減輕它對整體經濟的衝擊，也能夠調動打工仔的積極性，使他們的生產力發揮出來，強化本港的整體競爭力。
在法例即將通過之際，政府在兩方面要有正確認知。
第一、政府應該認知，最低工資不能解決貧富懸殊問題。就算按工會普遍主張時薪不少於33 元（即月薪約7000 元），以本港的生活水平，依然拮据。照顧低下層市民生活需要，不能單靠最低工資。必須配以廉租公屋、免費醫療、資助教育，以及生果金、低收入綜援等輔助措施，以「組合拳」方式，照顧低薪工人的家庭生活需要。
第二，政府應該認知， 最低工資可以稍為紓緩在職貧窮人士的困境，但是不會增加就業機會。相反，實施最低工資之後，推高失業率的風險，不能完全抹殺，所以，創造就業應該是政府的重點工作。曾蔭權提出推動的六大優勢產業，乃近年來特區政府鮮有的產業政策，本屬好事，只是至今已經兩年，仍未看到有什麼顯著成果。六項優勢產業若全面發展，可以創造不少職位，增加就業機會，曾蔭權政府應該大力推動，不應出現雷聲大、雨點小的局面。
2012 年政改方案通過之後，曾蔭權表示政制爭拗告一段落，政府會致力發展經濟、改善民生，最低工資立法是曾蔭權政府新階段施政方針的第一步，今年10 月曾蔭權提出他治港的倒數第二份施政報告時，且看他在2012年77 月離任之前，會甘於做跛腳鴨？抑或兌現他競選特首時「做好這份工」的承諾。
Glossary
capital
people who use their money to startbusinesses, considered as a group.
scourge /sk ??:d :??//a thing or person that causes trouble orsuffering.
shinebe very good (at something).
2010年7月13日星期二
Bystanders at World Cup matches
WHEN this editorial is read, it will be known whether the Netherlands or Spain has won the World Cup, and people in that country will be celebrating. Hong Kong soccer fans' life is again uneventful after the very exciting night at home or in wine bars. Are Hong Kong people. doomed to be bystanders at World Cup matches?
Japanese and Koreans are about as tall as other Asians. However, Japan, South Korea and North Korea have shone at World Cup matches. The ideathat Asians are doomed to be bystanders at World Cupmatches is no longer tenable. Neither Hong Kong nor. the mainland has won a place in the World Cup. That is not due to any insurmountable congenital constitutional factors. That is because there are serious problems with our sports systems and training.Hong Kong is considering hosting an Asiad, which may cost over $10 billion. In our view, it is better to use the money to improve Hong Kong soccer than to host anAsiad because it is not known how it would benefit Hong Kong sports in the long term.
Both Japan and South Korea have struggled hard for many years in the soccer world. They have been routed umpteen times, but they have kept improving their training systems. They now stand out as soccer powers. Now no ordinary second--rate European or South American country is either's match.
The mainland and Hong Kong remain losers as they were. Why?
It is said in the mainland press that, while NorthKorean players are commendably full of fight though their country is poor, Chinese players lack spirit and fight though there is no lack of money or material resources on the mainland, whose economy has taken off. China's soccer league is constantly plagued withcorruption scandals. That is one reason why China hasproduced few outstanding football players. An article in the Information Times says China's soccer system lags far behind others'. Association football is of a much higher level in Japan and South Korea than in China,and many of their players have been recruited by top European football clubs. Furthermore, their programmes for training young players are far better than China's.
Though Hong Kong won the soccer gold medal last year at the East Asian Games, its soccer system is similarly backward. Association football in the territory has long been semi--amateurish. A few months ago,the government decided to use more public resourcesto revitalise soccer in Hong Kong. However, it is doubtful that its efforts will produce results unless the system is improved.
A country's World Cup win lives in its collectivememory. Hong Kong's victory over China on 19 May1985 in a World Cup preliminary is still on the lips of itspeople. Hong Kong people are crazy about soccer, towhich the SAR government would do well to devotemore resources. If it does not help promote sports inthe SAR for Hong Kong to host an Asiad, the eventwould disappear in a flash like a firework displaythough it costs more than $10 billion. However, if HongKong soccer is rejuvenated, citizens will have astronger sense of belonging, and soccer will be anindustry that lays golden eggs.
Ozora Tsubasa, the hero of CCaappttaaiinn TTssuubbaassaa, a, Japanese comic book, dreams of winning the WorldCup when he is a child. He subsequently serves a topEuropean football club. At first people think him idiotic.Now Japan, South Korea and North Korea haveachieved wonderful results at World Cup matches,none would be so bold as to say that is an idiot'sdaydream. We look forward to the days when theChinese team and the Hong Kong team play at WorldCup finals and Hong Kong people cheerfully cheerthem instead of being bystanders. This is but a dreamnow. However, a thousand thousand-- llii journey is started bytaking the first step. We hope the national team andthe Hong Kong team will set a realistic target - stopbeing Asia's losers. We believe this is what thousands upon thousands of Hong Kong soccer fans can reasonably expect.
明報社評2010.07.12
世界盃 華人何時才不再是旁觀者
這篇社評見報之時，最新一屆世界盃冠軍應該已經順利誕生，不論荷蘭或西班牙，其國民都應該正在慶祝，但香港球迷在家中或酒吧茶餐廳度過緊張刺激的一夜後，一切又歸於平淡。世界盃，港人注定只是旁觀者？
觀乎身高與一般亞洲人差別不大的日本、韓國及朝鮮在世界盃的出色表現，亞洲人注定只是旁觀者的說法早已站不住腳； 中國及香港在世界盃佔不到一席，不是先天體質上不可能克服的因素，癥結應是我們的體育制度及訓練出了重大問題。香港正考慮申辦亞運，我們認為與其花費上百億元爭辦一個不知對香港體育有沒有長遠利益的運動會，不如把資源投入改善香港的足運吧。
日韓兩國，經歷了艱苦的奮鬥過程，在世界足壇吞了多少次光蛋，但仍然不斷完善自身的體育訓練系統，終於成為世界足壇一股奇兵，如今等閒的歐洲南美二線球隊，已不是日韓的對手。
反觀中國和香港則依然故我，仍是魚腩部隊，為什麼？
內地輿論直指朝鮮雖窮但球員鬥志可嘉，中國經濟起飛後「不缺錢、不缺物質」， 「缺的是鬥志和精神」；至於中國足球聯賽貪污醜聞不絕，是培育球員的另一障礙。《信息時報》一篇評論更指出，中國足球制度建設遠遠落後，日韓國內聯賽水平遠高於中國，由此培訓出來的球員早已能在歐洲一流球會效力，日韓的青訓計劃亦遠較中國完善。
至於香港，雖然在去年的東亞運奪足球金牌，但足球體制同樣落後，聯賽早已淪為半職業半業餘的狀態，數月前政府雖然決定投入公共資源振興本地足運，但若不從體制入手，成效成疑。
足球比賽的勝利，是人民的集體回憶， ，1985 1985 年的55．．19 世界盃外圍賽香港戰勝中國，傳頌至今。對足球的瘋狂熱愛，值得政府投入更多資源。申辦亞運，如果無助香港整體運動水平提升，只會是一次上百億元的煙花匯演，轉瞬即逝；反之，如果香港足球復興，不單可提升港人的歸屬感，更是會生金蛋的新興產業。
日本漫畫《足球小將》主角戴翅偉（日文版原稱大空翼）自小夢想奪取世界盃，漫畫主角也在歐洲頂級球會效力，初時有人認為這是癡人說夢，但隨着日本及兩韓在世界盃取得佳績，沒有人再敢嘲笑這是天馬行空的幻想。我們憧憬的世界盃決賽周，國家隊和香港隊都有份參與，港人不再做旁觀者，而是拉隊到球場做啦啦隊，興高采烈的為國家隊和香港隊歡呼打氣。雖然，這種想法目前仍是一個夢，但千里之行始於足下，我們期望國家隊和香港隊訂定第一個切實可行的目標：不要再淪為亞洲區的魚腩部隊，這應是香港萬千球迷的合理期望。
Glossary
tenable //''ten ??b( b(??)l/)easy to defend against attack or criticism.
umpteen //??mp mp''ti:n/indefinitely many.
fightpower or inclination to fight.
Japanese and Koreans are about as tall as other Asians. However, Japan, South Korea and North Korea have shone at World Cup matches. The ideathat Asians are doomed to be bystanders at World Cupmatches is no longer tenable. Neither Hong Kong nor. the mainland has won a place in the World Cup. That is not due to any insurmountable congenital constitutional factors. That is because there are serious problems with our sports systems and training.Hong Kong is considering hosting an Asiad, which may cost over $10 billion. In our view, it is better to use the money to improve Hong Kong soccer than to host anAsiad because it is not known how it would benefit Hong Kong sports in the long term.
Both Japan and South Korea have struggled hard for many years in the soccer world. They have been routed umpteen times, but they have kept improving their training systems. They now stand out as soccer powers. Now no ordinary second--rate European or South American country is either's match.
The mainland and Hong Kong remain losers as they were. Why?
It is said in the mainland press that, while NorthKorean players are commendably full of fight though their country is poor, Chinese players lack spirit and fight though there is no lack of money or material resources on the mainland, whose economy has taken off. China's soccer league is constantly plagued withcorruption scandals. That is one reason why China hasproduced few outstanding football players. An article in the Information Times says China's soccer system lags far behind others'. Association football is of a much higher level in Japan and South Korea than in China,and many of their players have been recruited by top European football clubs. Furthermore, their programmes for training young players are far better than China's.
Though Hong Kong won the soccer gold medal last year at the East Asian Games, its soccer system is similarly backward. Association football in the territory has long been semi--amateurish. A few months ago,the government decided to use more public resourcesto revitalise soccer in Hong Kong. However, it is doubtful that its efforts will produce results unless the system is improved.
A country's World Cup win lives in its collectivememory. Hong Kong's victory over China on 19 May1985 in a World Cup preliminary is still on the lips of itspeople. Hong Kong people are crazy about soccer, towhich the SAR government would do well to devotemore resources. If it does not help promote sports inthe SAR for Hong Kong to host an Asiad, the eventwould disappear in a flash like a firework displaythough it costs more than $10 billion. However, if HongKong soccer is rejuvenated, citizens will have astronger sense of belonging, and soccer will be anindustry that lays golden eggs.
Ozora Tsubasa, the hero of CCaappttaaiinn TTssuubbaassaa, a, Japanese comic book, dreams of winning the WorldCup when he is a child. He subsequently serves a topEuropean football club. At first people think him idiotic.Now Japan, South Korea and North Korea haveachieved wonderful results at World Cup matches,none would be so bold as to say that is an idiot'sdaydream. We look forward to the days when theChinese team and the Hong Kong team play at WorldCup finals and Hong Kong people cheerfully cheerthem instead of being bystanders. This is but a dreamnow. However, a thousand thousand-- llii journey is started bytaking the first step. We hope the national team andthe Hong Kong team will set a realistic target - stopbeing Asia's losers. We believe this is what thousands upon thousands of Hong Kong soccer fans can reasonably expect.
明報社評2010.07.12
世界盃 華人何時才不再是旁觀者
這篇社評見報之時，最新一屆世界盃冠軍應該已經順利誕生，不論荷蘭或西班牙，其國民都應該正在慶祝，但香港球迷在家中或酒吧茶餐廳度過緊張刺激的一夜後，一切又歸於平淡。世界盃，港人注定只是旁觀者？
觀乎身高與一般亞洲人差別不大的日本、韓國及朝鮮在世界盃的出色表現，亞洲人注定只是旁觀者的說法早已站不住腳； 中國及香港在世界盃佔不到一席，不是先天體質上不可能克服的因素，癥結應是我們的體育制度及訓練出了重大問題。香港正考慮申辦亞運，我們認為與其花費上百億元爭辦一個不知對香港體育有沒有長遠利益的運動會，不如把資源投入改善香港的足運吧。
日韓兩國，經歷了艱苦的奮鬥過程，在世界足壇吞了多少次光蛋，但仍然不斷完善自身的體育訓練系統，終於成為世界足壇一股奇兵，如今等閒的歐洲南美二線球隊，已不是日韓的對手。
反觀中國和香港則依然故我，仍是魚腩部隊，為什麼？
內地輿論直指朝鮮雖窮但球員鬥志可嘉，中國經濟起飛後「不缺錢、不缺物質」， 「缺的是鬥志和精神」；至於中國足球聯賽貪污醜聞不絕，是培育球員的另一障礙。《信息時報》一篇評論更指出，中國足球制度建設遠遠落後，日韓國內聯賽水平遠高於中國，由此培訓出來的球員早已能在歐洲一流球會效力，日韓的青訓計劃亦遠較中國完善。
至於香港，雖然在去年的東亞運奪足球金牌，但足球體制同樣落後，聯賽早已淪為半職業半業餘的狀態，數月前政府雖然決定投入公共資源振興本地足運，但若不從體制入手，成效成疑。
足球比賽的勝利，是人民的集體回憶， ，1985 1985 年的55．．19 世界盃外圍賽香港戰勝中國，傳頌至今。對足球的瘋狂熱愛，值得政府投入更多資源。申辦亞運，如果無助香港整體運動水平提升，只會是一次上百億元的煙花匯演，轉瞬即逝；反之，如果香港足球復興，不單可提升港人的歸屬感，更是會生金蛋的新興產業。
日本漫畫《足球小將》主角戴翅偉（日文版原稱大空翼）自小夢想奪取世界盃，漫畫主角也在歐洲頂級球會效力，初時有人認為這是癡人說夢，但隨着日本及兩韓在世界盃取得佳績，沒有人再敢嘲笑這是天馬行空的幻想。我們憧憬的世界盃決賽周，國家隊和香港隊都有份參與，港人不再做旁觀者，而是拉隊到球場做啦啦隊，興高采烈的為國家隊和香港隊歡呼打氣。雖然，這種想法目前仍是一個夢，但千里之行始於足下，我們期望國家隊和香港隊訂定第一個切實可行的目標：不要再淪為亞洲區的魚腩部隊，這應是香港萬千球迷的合理期望。
Glossary
tenable //''ten ??b( b(??)l/)easy to defend against attack or criticism.
umpteen //??mp mp''ti:n/indefinitely many.
fightpower or inclination to fight.
Account helps remove misunderstandings
THE Democratic Party has released a full account of its talks with the SAR government and the central government. It can be sensibly and objectively summed up by the following three points. First, the Democratic Party has not budged from its political position. Second, its talks with the central government have produced initial results - led to actual democratisation. Third, it remains to be seenwhether its line or strategy will prove effective. In our view, the Democratic Party's frank account will not cure some of their prejudice or prevent its foes fromattacking it. The party can only try to win citizens' support with its good work.
No sooner had the Democratic Party adopted itsline of pushing for democratisation by having dialogue with the central government than radical democrats began to ridicule and insult it. It has endured humiliation lest contradictions should intensify. Their efforts have produced results, but radicals havebashed it even harder. "As distance tests a horse's strength, so time reveals a person's heart."
Nevertheless, passivity does not reconcile differences or clear up misunderstandings. The Democratic Partymust take the initiative in regaining its say.
The Democratic Party has adopted the line of dialogue, and the radicals, that of confrontation. The outcomes of the District Council election scheduled for November next year will show which of the lines has received greater support. The Democratic Party's rivals are expected to bash it for its change in the run up tothe election. Therefore, it must do much district work topersuade citizens to support its ideas. Furthermore,the Democratic Party can no longer claim the moral high ground because its ideas of democracy are nolonger as direct and simple as they were. Therefore, it ought to come up with an exposition of democracy easily comprehensible to citizens. Only if it does so can it fend off radicals' and fundamentalist democrats'attacks.
Another noteworthy thing about the constitutionalreform is that moderate democrats have opened up the path of pushing for democratisation by having talks with the central government. It is a reality that, as far as Hong Kong's constitutional reform goes, the central government holds all the cards. Hong Kong people must deal with the central government. It used to remain backstage and have the SAR government deal with democrats on stage. It has now come onstage toface democrats and Hong Kong people directly. This change is of enormous significance. If the central government and democrats continue to interact constructively with each other, trust will grow between them. That would increase what is favourable to and decrease what is unfavourable to the introduction of genuine universal suffrage in Hong Kong.
It is clear from the Democratic Party's report that itwill continue to talk with the central government about Hong Kong's democratisation. We hope the centralgovernment will draw two lessons.
First, because some call the talks opaque, theDemocratic Party has unnecessarily come under pressure. Having been harmed, its explanations canhardly do the trick. Such talks must be transparent from the outset lest doubts should arise. This is extremely important.
Second, some are against the modified planmainly because the central government budged so suddenly that citizens had little time to talk about it.
Because it had little time for manoeuvre, theDemocratic Party was misunderstood and came under huge pressure. In our view, the central government ought to realise it is necessary to allow ample time for manoeuvre lest difficulties should arise that may marthe results of such talks.
2010.07.09 明報社評
交代有助消除誤解難絕政敵攻擊尋釁
民主黨公布與特區政府及中央的對話會談經過，從內容而言，若以理性客觀視之，總括而言有以下3 點：（1）民主黨於政治立場，沒有退縮；（2）民主黨嘗試與中央溝通對話，取得增加實質民主成分的階段性成果；（3）民主黨的路線、策略會否奏效，則尚待發展和觀察。縱使民主黨已經坦誠交代，我們認為仍然不能改變一些人的成見，也不能杜絕敵對政黨的攻擊，民主黨只能以日後的工作和表現，爭取更多人認同和支持。民主黨選擇以溝通對話路線推動民主進程伊始，已經遭到激進民主派揶揄、嘲諷和侮辱，民主黨為免激化矛盾，忍辱負重，取得成果之後，卻換來激進派更強力狙擊，雖說「路遙知馬力，日久見人心」，不過，只被動應對，不可能消除誤解，化解分歧，民主黨必須採取主動，爭回話語權。
民主黨的溝通對話路線，和激進派的對抗路線，明年11 月的區議會選舉，將會驗證哪一條路線得到更多市民認同和支持；可以預期，這次選舉，政敵會以民主黨的轉變為攻擊點。所以，未來一段日子，民主黨在地方層面要做大量工作，爭取更多市民認同其理念；另外，經過政改一役，民主黨在民主道德高地不再有優勢，因為它的民主理念，已經不若過往簡單直接，故此，民主黨必須有一套容易使市民理解的民主論述，才可以在日後的選舉中，抵擋激進派或民主原教旨主義者的攻擊。
這次政改，還有一點值得注意，就是溫和民主派開拓了一條透過與中央溝通對話，推動民主進程的新路。關於政改和民主化，政治現實是中央掌握全部籌碼，港人必須面對中央。過去，中央在幕後，只由台前的特區政府與民主派周旋，經過今次之後，中央站到台前，直接面對民主派和港人，這個轉變，意義極其重大。中央與民主派的互動若能良性發展，互信逐漸增加和積累，則對最終實施真普選，效果上將會消減阻力，增加助力。
從民主黨的報告，顯示他們對日後就民主進程，會與中央保持溝通，我們希望在兩方面汲取今次的教訓：首先，今次對話過程，被一些人指透明度不足，使民主黨要承受無謂的壓力，在對民主黨已經構成傷害情况下，費唇舌解說，只能收到事倍功半之效，故日後溝通對話，如何從一開始就增加透明度，杜絕猜疑，甚為重要。
其次，今次不少人抗拒改良方案，主要是中央突然讓步，使議題無較充裕時間在社會之間討論和發酵；民主黨也因為無足夠時間操作，使他們飽受誤解和承受巨大壓力。我們認為，日後若再有對話會談，特別是中央應該體認「要有較充裕時間迴旋」這一點，以免增加事態難度，影響效果。
Glossary
claim the moral high ground
claim that your side of an argument is morallybetter than your opponent's side.
exposition /?eksp ?'zI ʃ(?)n/
full explanation of a theory, plan etc.
do the trick
bring about the desired result.
No sooner had the Democratic Party adopted itsline of pushing for democratisation by having dialogue with the central government than radical democrats began to ridicule and insult it. It has endured humiliation lest contradictions should intensify. Their efforts have produced results, but radicals havebashed it even harder. "As distance tests a horse's strength, so time reveals a person's heart."
Nevertheless, passivity does not reconcile differences or clear up misunderstandings. The Democratic Partymust take the initiative in regaining its say.
The Democratic Party has adopted the line of dialogue, and the radicals, that of confrontation. The outcomes of the District Council election scheduled for November next year will show which of the lines has received greater support. The Democratic Party's rivals are expected to bash it for its change in the run up tothe election. Therefore, it must do much district work topersuade citizens to support its ideas. Furthermore,the Democratic Party can no longer claim the moral high ground because its ideas of democracy are nolonger as direct and simple as they were. Therefore, it ought to come up with an exposition of democracy easily comprehensible to citizens. Only if it does so can it fend off radicals' and fundamentalist democrats'attacks.
Another noteworthy thing about the constitutionalreform is that moderate democrats have opened up the path of pushing for democratisation by having talks with the central government. It is a reality that, as far as Hong Kong's constitutional reform goes, the central government holds all the cards. Hong Kong people must deal with the central government. It used to remain backstage and have the SAR government deal with democrats on stage. It has now come onstage toface democrats and Hong Kong people directly. This change is of enormous significance. If the central government and democrats continue to interact constructively with each other, trust will grow between them. That would increase what is favourable to and decrease what is unfavourable to the introduction of genuine universal suffrage in Hong Kong.
It is clear from the Democratic Party's report that itwill continue to talk with the central government about Hong Kong's democratisation. We hope the centralgovernment will draw two lessons.
First, because some call the talks opaque, theDemocratic Party has unnecessarily come under pressure. Having been harmed, its explanations canhardly do the trick. Such talks must be transparent from the outset lest doubts should arise. This is extremely important.
Second, some are against the modified planmainly because the central government budged so suddenly that citizens had little time to talk about it.
Because it had little time for manoeuvre, theDemocratic Party was misunderstood and came under huge pressure. In our view, the central government ought to realise it is necessary to allow ample time for manoeuvre lest difficulties should arise that may marthe results of such talks.
2010.07.09 明報社評
交代有助消除誤解難絕政敵攻擊尋釁
民主黨公布與特區政府及中央的對話會談經過，從內容而言，若以理性客觀視之，總括而言有以下3 點：（1）民主黨於政治立場，沒有退縮；（2）民主黨嘗試與中央溝通對話，取得增加實質民主成分的階段性成果；（3）民主黨的路線、策略會否奏效，則尚待發展和觀察。縱使民主黨已經坦誠交代，我們認為仍然不能改變一些人的成見，也不能杜絕敵對政黨的攻擊，民主黨只能以日後的工作和表現，爭取更多人認同和支持。民主黨選擇以溝通對話路線推動民主進程伊始，已經遭到激進民主派揶揄、嘲諷和侮辱，民主黨為免激化矛盾，忍辱負重，取得成果之後，卻換來激進派更強力狙擊，雖說「路遙知馬力，日久見人心」，不過，只被動應對，不可能消除誤解，化解分歧，民主黨必須採取主動，爭回話語權。
民主黨的溝通對話路線，和激進派的對抗路線，明年11 月的區議會選舉，將會驗證哪一條路線得到更多市民認同和支持；可以預期，這次選舉，政敵會以民主黨的轉變為攻擊點。所以，未來一段日子，民主黨在地方層面要做大量工作，爭取更多市民認同其理念；另外，經過政改一役，民主黨在民主道德高地不再有優勢，因為它的民主理念，已經不若過往簡單直接，故此，民主黨必須有一套容易使市民理解的民主論述，才可以在日後的選舉中，抵擋激進派或民主原教旨主義者的攻擊。
這次政改，還有一點值得注意，就是溫和民主派開拓了一條透過與中央溝通對話，推動民主進程的新路。關於政改和民主化，政治現實是中央掌握全部籌碼，港人必須面對中央。過去，中央在幕後，只由台前的特區政府與民主派周旋，經過今次之後，中央站到台前，直接面對民主派和港人，這個轉變，意義極其重大。中央與民主派的互動若能良性發展，互信逐漸增加和積累，則對最終實施真普選，效果上將會消減阻力，增加助力。
從民主黨的報告，顯示他們對日後就民主進程，會與中央保持溝通，我們希望在兩方面汲取今次的教訓：首先，今次對話過程，被一些人指透明度不足，使民主黨要承受無謂的壓力，在對民主黨已經構成傷害情况下，費唇舌解說，只能收到事倍功半之效，故日後溝通對話，如何從一開始就增加透明度，杜絕猜疑，甚為重要。
其次，今次不少人抗拒改良方案，主要是中央突然讓步，使議題無較充裕時間在社會之間討論和發酵；民主黨也因為無足夠時間操作，使他們飽受誤解和承受巨大壓力。我們認為，日後若再有對話會談，特別是中央應該體認「要有較充裕時間迴旋」這一點，以免增加事態難度，影響效果。
Glossary
claim the moral high ground
claim that your side of an argument is morallybetter than your opponent's side.
exposition /?eksp ?'zI ʃ(?)n/
full explanation of a theory, plan etc.
do the trick
bring about the desired result.
2010年7月11日星期日
SoCO vs government
NOT long ago the Society for Community Organisation (SoCO) helped a senior citizenwho had returned to the SAR from the mainland to challenge the CSSA residence requirement by way of judicial review. He won.Yesterday, SoCO helped another to apply for legal aid to challenge a similar requirement in relation to the OldAge Allowance (commonly called "fruit money") by way of judicial review. SoCO deserves respect and praise for helping underdogs to fight for their rights.However, we believe it is better for it to postpone doinganything about the "fruit money" rule until the government has decided whether to appeal against the CSSA ruling. If the government decides against doingso, it may abolish the residence requirement. In that event, senior citizens will enjoy benefit without having to apply for judicial review. To avoid litigation is to saveon society's resources.
It is the Social Welfare Department's rule that one must have continually lived in the territory for at least one year before one can apply for CSSA. On June 24,the Court of First Instance held the rule at odds withthe Basic Law articles about equality and the freedom to enter or leave the SAR. The Social Welfare Department has not applied for the ruling's suspension.It has said that, in the meantime, it will process CSSA applications without having regard to whether applicants meet the residence requirement.
The government has yet to decide whether to appeal, but SoCO has helped a "fruit money" applicant to challenge the residence requirement. SoCO appears to have acted a bit too aggressively.Operation-wise and strategy-wise, it is understandablefor SoCO to follow up a victory with hot pursuit in thehope of "taking another city". When he was interviewed, SoCO Director Ho Hei-wah said it had been compelled to resort to judicial review to fight forrights over the years and, because the government ignored its demands, it had no alternative. He repeated aview which Chief Justice Andrew Li had often expressedin recent years, saying, "Judicial review is no panacea for political, economic and social woes. In my view,such problems cannot be effectively solved otherwisethan through discussion and the proper operation ofthe political system." Ho Hei-wah clearly hopes the government will try to solve problems through dialogue.
SoCO is anxious to exploit its victory. That show sit remains fettered by social-movement thinking. Itrealises that judicial review is the last resort. However,it has helped a citizen to challenge the "fruit money"residence requirement though it is quite clear that things are not yet such that it cannot but do so. Wehope SoCO will be more careful in deciding to resort tojudicial review, for such litigation entails the use ofprecious social resources. Legal aid comes from the public purse. The money the government spends infighting legal battles also comes from the public purse.SoCO has revealed that it will apply for judicial reviewin relation to six other problems that affect the underprivileged. The legal fee for each of them would be about $1 million. They would also cost the government money. Those cases would cost HongKong several ten million dollars. Is it worthwhile to fight those legal battles? SoCO must think twice.
In our view, the government should come down a peg or two. It should try to address SoCO's demands by having talks with it. It should avoid leaving it to the court to settle such problems. For example, it seems overkill to have the court decide whether it is right "not to adjust inmates' pay according to cigarette prices". Itis by no means worthwhile to spend limited social resources on such issues.
明報英語網「雙語社評」english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
明報社評 2010.07.08
社區組織協會vs.政府 司法覆核可免則免
社區組織協會（下稱協會）就申領綜援限期，繼協助一名內地回流長者司法覆核獲得勝訴之後，昨日再協助一名長者衝擊同樣有居港限期的高齡津貼（俗稱生果金），申請法律援助進行司法覆核。協會為弱勢社群爭取權益，值得尊重和肯定。不過，就居港限期與社會福利的關係，我們認為協會宜待政府就綜援個案會否上訴，才決定下一步行動，會較為適合，因為若政府放棄上訴，意味着「居港限期」的做法可能全面調整，屆時合資格長者不用司法覆核，便得享福利，由於毋須打官司，可以省回不少社會資源。
上月21 日，高院裁定社會福利署批出綜援申請時，要求申請人需符合「申請前1 年連續居港1 年」的規定，違反《基本法》有關人人平等和出入境自由的權利。就法庭的裁決，社署未申請暫緩執行，表示在處理類似個案和新申請個案時，暫時不再理會申請人是否連續居港1年。
在政府還未決定是否上訴之前，社區組織協會協助長者挑戰申請生果金居港限期的規定，放在這個背景下，就顯得有點過度進取了。協會乘勝追擊，要再下一城，就社運操作和策略而言，可以理解；不過，協會主任何喜華接受訪問時，表示多年來靠司法覆核爭取權益，是迫不得已，主要未獲政府回應，無計可施之下以司法覆核為爭取手段；他並引用首席大法官李國能近年多次提到的， 「司法覆核並非解決政治、經濟、社會問題的『萬應良方』，認為有關問題只能透過討論及經過『政治體制適當運作』，才可以得到解決」。何喜華顯然希望政府透過溝通解決問題。
社區組織協會，急於「擴大戰果」的操作，顯示未能擺脫社運思維的桎梏，在認知上，協會知道司法覆核是迫不得已的手段，但是在實踐上，衝擊申請生果金居港限期，顯然未到事非得已的地步。我們期望社區組織協會日後就行使司法覆核的權利，更為慎重，因為涉及寶貴的社會資源，法律援助是公帑，若發展至對簿公堂，政府打官司耗用的也是公帑。據協會透露，除了申請生果金，他們還會為6 種涉及弱勢社群的情况申請司法覆核，挑戰政府，若事態按協會的構思發展，每宗官司申請法援，律師費就約需100 萬元，連政府的開支，所涉及公帑就以千萬元計。是否值得，宜三思之。
我們認為政府應該放下身段，對協會的一些訴求，尋求溝通解決，以免都交由法庭裁決，例如「在囚人士工資改為不按煙價調整」，要由法庭決定是非對錯，好像有點小題大做了。有限的社會資源，虛耗在這類議題上，絕不值得。
Glossary
underdog
a person, group or country that is thought tobe in a weaker position than others.
panacea /?pan ?'si:?/a universal remedy.
overkill /'?ʊv ?kIl/excessive behaviour.
It is the Social Welfare Department's rule that one must have continually lived in the territory for at least one year before one can apply for CSSA. On June 24,the Court of First Instance held the rule at odds withthe Basic Law articles about equality and the freedom to enter or leave the SAR. The Social Welfare Department has not applied for the ruling's suspension.It has said that, in the meantime, it will process CSSA applications without having regard to whether applicants meet the residence requirement.
The government has yet to decide whether to appeal, but SoCO has helped a "fruit money" applicant to challenge the residence requirement. SoCO appears to have acted a bit too aggressively.Operation-wise and strategy-wise, it is understandablefor SoCO to follow up a victory with hot pursuit in thehope of "taking another city". When he was interviewed, SoCO Director Ho Hei-wah said it had been compelled to resort to judicial review to fight forrights over the years and, because the government ignored its demands, it had no alternative. He repeated aview which Chief Justice Andrew Li had often expressedin recent years, saying, "Judicial review is no panacea for political, economic and social woes. In my view,such problems cannot be effectively solved otherwisethan through discussion and the proper operation ofthe political system." Ho Hei-wah clearly hopes the government will try to solve problems through dialogue.
SoCO is anxious to exploit its victory. That show sit remains fettered by social-movement thinking. Itrealises that judicial review is the last resort. However,it has helped a citizen to challenge the "fruit money"residence requirement though it is quite clear that things are not yet such that it cannot but do so. Wehope SoCO will be more careful in deciding to resort tojudicial review, for such litigation entails the use ofprecious social resources. Legal aid comes from the public purse. The money the government spends infighting legal battles also comes from the public purse.SoCO has revealed that it will apply for judicial reviewin relation to six other problems that affect the underprivileged. The legal fee for each of them would be about $1 million. They would also cost the government money. Those cases would cost HongKong several ten million dollars. Is it worthwhile to fight those legal battles? SoCO must think twice.
In our view, the government should come down a peg or two. It should try to address SoCO's demands by having talks with it. It should avoid leaving it to the court to settle such problems. For example, it seems overkill to have the court decide whether it is right "not to adjust inmates' pay according to cigarette prices". Itis by no means worthwhile to spend limited social resources on such issues.
明報英語網「雙語社評」english.mingpao.com/critic.htm
明報社評 2010.07.08
社區組織協會vs.政府 司法覆核可免則免
社區組織協會（下稱協會）就申領綜援限期，繼協助一名內地回流長者司法覆核獲得勝訴之後，昨日再協助一名長者衝擊同樣有居港限期的高齡津貼（俗稱生果金），申請法律援助進行司法覆核。協會為弱勢社群爭取權益，值得尊重和肯定。不過，就居港限期與社會福利的關係，我們認為協會宜待政府就綜援個案會否上訴，才決定下一步行動，會較為適合，因為若政府放棄上訴，意味着「居港限期」的做法可能全面調整，屆時合資格長者不用司法覆核，便得享福利，由於毋須打官司，可以省回不少社會資源。
上月21 日，高院裁定社會福利署批出綜援申請時，要求申請人需符合「申請前1 年連續居港1 年」的規定，違反《基本法》有關人人平等和出入境自由的權利。就法庭的裁決，社署未申請暫緩執行，表示在處理類似個案和新申請個案時，暫時不再理會申請人是否連續居港1年。
在政府還未決定是否上訴之前，社區組織協會協助長者挑戰申請生果金居港限期的規定，放在這個背景下，就顯得有點過度進取了。協會乘勝追擊，要再下一城，就社運操作和策略而言，可以理解；不過，協會主任何喜華接受訪問時，表示多年來靠司法覆核爭取權益，是迫不得已，主要未獲政府回應，無計可施之下以司法覆核為爭取手段；他並引用首席大法官李國能近年多次提到的， 「司法覆核並非解決政治、經濟、社會問題的『萬應良方』，認為有關問題只能透過討論及經過『政治體制適當運作』，才可以得到解決」。何喜華顯然希望政府透過溝通解決問題。
社區組織協會，急於「擴大戰果」的操作，顯示未能擺脫社運思維的桎梏，在認知上，協會知道司法覆核是迫不得已的手段，但是在實踐上，衝擊申請生果金居港限期，顯然未到事非得已的地步。我們期望社區組織協會日後就行使司法覆核的權利，更為慎重，因為涉及寶貴的社會資源，法律援助是公帑，若發展至對簿公堂，政府打官司耗用的也是公帑。據協會透露，除了申請生果金，他們還會為6 種涉及弱勢社群的情况申請司法覆核，挑戰政府，若事態按協會的構思發展，每宗官司申請法援，律師費就約需100 萬元，連政府的開支，所涉及公帑就以千萬元計。是否值得，宜三思之。
我們認為政府應該放下身段，對協會的一些訴求，尋求溝通解決，以免都交由法庭裁決，例如「在囚人士工資改為不按煙價調整」，要由法庭決定是非對錯，好像有點小題大做了。有限的社會資源，虛耗在這類議題上，絕不值得。
Glossary
underdog
a person, group or country that is thought tobe in a weaker position than others.
panacea /?pan ?'si:?/a universal remedy.
overkill /'?ʊv ?kIl/excessive behaviour.
Dangers of hands-off leadership
The Minimum Wage Bill will be put before lawmakers in the middle of next week for final reading, completing the legislative process making it a law.
It is expected to be another marathon debate lasting at least two days.
But the bill will be passed without the centerpiece - the minimum wage amount.
The omission isn't accidental. To allow the master bill to sail through the legislature first, labor minister Matthew Cheung Kin-chung has been deliberate in splitting off the most contentious part. The amount can be incorporated later by way of subsidiary legislation.
Politically, this is a wise approach. However, as the case continues to unfold, it is giving rise to another area of concern. The government has left the most touchy part to be sorted out by the provisional minimum wage commission, comprising representatives from the labor, business and academic sectors.
Is this strategy problem-free?
Let's take a look at the idling engine legislation. Environmental secretary Edward Yau Tang-wah has also left the hottest part of the bill - the scope of exemptions - in lawmakers' hands, saying this would be up to them to resolve. Although some critics have praised Yau for keeping an open mind, others accuse him of passing the buck.
The current approach is contrary to past practice, when the government would always fill in the blanks when presenting a bill.
What's happening now? Employers and workers are left on their own to trade jabs and counter punches until a recommendation can be made on the statutory minimum wage level. This will drive a nasty wedge in labor relations if the government doesn't step in.
Perhaps Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen was trying to do just that when he reportedly said during a Federation of Trade Unions cocktail reception the amount may start from the low end.
Labor critics immediately criticized him for siding with employers - an accusation the CE Office vehemently denies. It's foreseeable that commission members, especially those from the business sector, will bear the brunt of public anger.
As soon as a professional has agreed to serve on a public body such as the minimum wage commission, he or she should be prepared for criticisms over rival views. But it will be quite different if individual members are exposed to undue pressure from angry protesters storming their business outlets or shouting outside their offices.
Cafe de Coral chairman Michael Chan Yue-kwong, Sung Hung Kai vice- chairman Thomas Kwok Ping-kwong, and Diary Farm executive director Caroline Mak Sui-king have been individually targeted by radical activists.
Clearly, issues concerning livelihood matters are bouncing back to the political center stage.
While it's nice to see the government changing its policy-making procedure to include as many public views as possible in the initial stages, it can't allow this to override its lead role.
Otherwise, a completely hands-off approach will create room for a shift towards populism that wouldn't bode well for Hong Kong.
英文虎報
Central Station | By Mary Ma
It is expected to be another marathon debate lasting at least two days.
But the bill will be passed without the centerpiece - the minimum wage amount.
The omission isn't accidental. To allow the master bill to sail through the legislature first, labor minister Matthew Cheung Kin-chung has been deliberate in splitting off the most contentious part. The amount can be incorporated later by way of subsidiary legislation.
Politically, this is a wise approach. However, as the case continues to unfold, it is giving rise to another area of concern. The government has left the most touchy part to be sorted out by the provisional minimum wage commission, comprising representatives from the labor, business and academic sectors.
Is this strategy problem-free?
Let's take a look at the idling engine legislation. Environmental secretary Edward Yau Tang-wah has also left the hottest part of the bill - the scope of exemptions - in lawmakers' hands, saying this would be up to them to resolve. Although some critics have praised Yau for keeping an open mind, others accuse him of passing the buck.
The current approach is contrary to past practice, when the government would always fill in the blanks when presenting a bill.
What's happening now? Employers and workers are left on their own to trade jabs and counter punches until a recommendation can be made on the statutory minimum wage level. This will drive a nasty wedge in labor relations if the government doesn't step in.
Perhaps Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen was trying to do just that when he reportedly said during a Federation of Trade Unions cocktail reception the amount may start from the low end.
Labor critics immediately criticized him for siding with employers - an accusation the CE Office vehemently denies. It's foreseeable that commission members, especially those from the business sector, will bear the brunt of public anger.
As soon as a professional has agreed to serve on a public body such as the minimum wage commission, he or she should be prepared for criticisms over rival views. But it will be quite different if individual members are exposed to undue pressure from angry protesters storming their business outlets or shouting outside their offices.
Cafe de Coral chairman Michael Chan Yue-kwong, Sung Hung Kai vice- chairman Thomas Kwok Ping-kwong, and Diary Farm executive director Caroline Mak Sui-king have been individually targeted by radical activists.
Clearly, issues concerning livelihood matters are bouncing back to the political center stage.
While it's nice to see the government changing its policy-making procedure to include as many public views as possible in the initial stages, it can't allow this to override its lead role.
Otherwise, a completely hands-off approach will create room for a shift towards populism that wouldn't bode well for Hong Kong.
英文虎報
Central Station | By Mary Ma
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